Heavy fighting resumed Friday, June 3, in the city of Sanaa, between government forces and supporters of tribal leader Sadek al-Ahmar. The presidential palace was attacked with heavy weapons. President Saleh was wounded in a speech in which only audio was broadcast, he said well, and called "the armed forces to clean up state institutions of these gangs." >> The summary of events of the day Friday, "If President Saleh wants to govern with a stick (Samil) then everyone will be released on his own." It had announced that Hamid Al-Ahmar, leader of "Islamo-tribal," the Yemeni Gathering for Reform and brother of Sadiq Al-Ahmar, paramount Sheikh of the tribal confederation Hachid, in an interview television in January 2011.
The protest movement in Yemen but still managed to preserve its peaceful despite severe repression that resulted in hundreds dead and thousands injured. The parliamentary opposition gathered in the Joint Forum which comprises the Yemeni Gathering for Reform, the Yemeni Socialist Party, parties and Nasserists Zaydis joined with a time delay, the rebellious youth.
After the massacre of 18 March in Sana'a, with more than 50 protesters killed by snipers, General Ali Muhsin al-Ahmar, President Saleh and related to one of its main rivals, has defected and his troops are deployed around Change of place in Sana'a in order to prevent further attacks against the camp of the opposition.
President Saleh's refusal to sign, May 22, the transition plan prepared by the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council opened a new cycle of violence: the bombing of the residence of Sheikh Sadeq Al-Ahmar in Sana'a, fighting Subsequent between tribal forces and military units loyal to the regime, the massacre perpetrated by those in the camp of opposition to Taiz, the capture of the city of Zinjibar by fighters suspected jihadists, fighting between the Republican Guard and tribal groups in several regions of the country ...
A group of Yemeni officials released a statement May 29 to urge the army not to become embroiled in a fratricidal war even as troops loyal to Ali Mohsen al-Ahmar in wipe continuously firing to encourage them to retaliate. This is the first time throughout his 33 years as head of the country that President Saleh is left without a political ally, unable to rely on surrogates of mesh patronage and benefiting from secure state resources and a military force largely controlled by members of his kin.
His eldest son Ahmad, who appeared as the designated successor of his father is the head of the Republican Guard, another son Khaled command an infantry division stationed in the region of Sanaa, nephews Ammar, Tarek Yahya and are respectively in charge of National Security, the Police station and the Presidential Guard, while the half-brother of President Mohammed Saleh al-Ahmar, was commander of air forces.
In 1994, the recourse to war seemed too risky when Saleh was today launched hostilities against the troops of the former South Yemen. But he could count the time on his alliance with the Movement for Reform Yemeni Sheikh Abdullah Al-Ahmar, whose tribal quotas would lend a hand and Confederate troops of Ali Nasser Mohammed, fled to North since 1986.
He again played both ways of violence and negotiation. His opponent then, the Yemeni Socialist Party had been weakened by the assassination of dozens of its activists. But in February 1994, Amman pact meant to end the political crisis, was signed by leaders of the majority and the opposition prior to the outbreak of fighting first two months later.
In 2006, he announced that he does not stand for presidential elections, then backed down, "carried" by the protests "spontaneous" support his candidacy. It was therefore to answer the call of the people "he" sacrificed himself "again for the good of the fatherland! This mixture of duplicity and cunning tactics helped Saleh for" dancing on the heads of snakes " as he said to describe the act of governing Yemen.
confronted upon taking power in 1978 in an attempted coup nearly all successful and unsuccessful war against Yemen in the South, the ability of Saleh integrate its rivals in its client networks, tribes in the army through the opposition leaders, is one of the reasons for his political survival.
Few Yemenis who might have considered that this young officer, regardless educated and Arabic at fault, would govern for three decades and realize the dream of Yemeni unity. In the beginning was very sulphurous reputation. As military governor of Taiz area he was suspected of being involved in certain types of traffic passing through the Red Sea but also, more importantly, to have participated in the conspiracy against the popular president Ibrahim Al-Hamdi was assassinated in 1977.
Its mode of government based on patronage produced a political system that combines extreme centralization of power and spin of political control and repressive force locally. For locking and security forces is also the proliferation of small heads and their customers. His detailed knowledge of the tribal card and its control over the resources of state and foreign aid have allowed it to distribute bribes and involve much of the political staff in the systematic bleeding of national wealth: from the distribution of land formerly nationalized the former South Yemen economic opportunities offered by trade import-export.
Its current rivals, the tribal family of Al-Ahmar Ali Mohsen and his relative were the beneficiaries of this system, which he does not hesitate to recall today, accusing them of being "corrupt allies and saboteurs Al-Qaeda. " The strategy of chaos that seems to have chosen to break the coalescence of its oppositions parties of the Joint Forum, popular mobilization led by the youth movement and southern rebel Zaidi, also follows an impulsive and vindictive character who turns every political dispute in an attack on his person.
Gradually, as the popular protest movement became increasingly massive and threatened the heart of its patronage system, the machine of repression was distraught. It multiplied the collective crimes and ultimately attacked his former allies Hachid tribes and the Rally for the Yemeni reform.
This option may seem like a suicidal attempt to save a desperate regime that went into his last battle, exposing to light his face criminal. France has provided unwavering support for the regime of President Saleh and in return has received lucrative contracts (gas, oil, defense equipment and safety, etc.)..
This is certainly not for his contribution to the francophone and development of cultural relations between the two countries as France was issued in 2010, the rank of Chevalier of the Legion of Honour Ammar, nephew of President Saleh is at the forefront in the savage repression beating demonstrators.
It should now try to restore its reputation by providing full support for the democratic movement in Yemen. Habib Abdulrab, Yemeni writer, university professor, INSA, Rouen and Franck Mermier, researcher at CNRS 
The protest movement in Yemen but still managed to preserve its peaceful despite severe repression that resulted in hundreds dead and thousands injured. The parliamentary opposition gathered in the Joint Forum which comprises the Yemeni Gathering for Reform, the Yemeni Socialist Party, parties and Nasserists Zaydis joined with a time delay, the rebellious youth.
After the massacre of 18 March in Sana'a, with more than 50 protesters killed by snipers, General Ali Muhsin al-Ahmar, President Saleh and related to one of its main rivals, has defected and his troops are deployed around Change of place in Sana'a in order to prevent further attacks against the camp of the opposition.
President Saleh's refusal to sign, May 22, the transition plan prepared by the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council opened a new cycle of violence: the bombing of the residence of Sheikh Sadeq Al-Ahmar in Sana'a, fighting Subsequent between tribal forces and military units loyal to the regime, the massacre perpetrated by those in the camp of opposition to Taiz, the capture of the city of Zinjibar by fighters suspected jihadists, fighting between the Republican Guard and tribal groups in several regions of the country ...
A group of Yemeni officials released a statement May 29 to urge the army not to become embroiled in a fratricidal war even as troops loyal to Ali Mohsen al-Ahmar in wipe continuously firing to encourage them to retaliate. This is the first time throughout his 33 years as head of the country that President Saleh is left without a political ally, unable to rely on surrogates of mesh patronage and benefiting from secure state resources and a military force largely controlled by members of his kin.
His eldest son Ahmad, who appeared as the designated successor of his father is the head of the Republican Guard, another son Khaled command an infantry division stationed in the region of Sanaa, nephews Ammar, Tarek Yahya and are respectively in charge of National Security, the Police station and the Presidential Guard, while the half-brother of President Mohammed Saleh al-Ahmar, was commander of air forces.
In 1994, the recourse to war seemed too risky when Saleh was today launched hostilities against the troops of the former South Yemen. But he could count the time on his alliance with the Movement for Reform Yemeni Sheikh Abdullah Al-Ahmar, whose tribal quotas would lend a hand and Confederate troops of Ali Nasser Mohammed, fled to North since 1986.
He again played both ways of violence and negotiation. His opponent then, the Yemeni Socialist Party had been weakened by the assassination of dozens of its activists. But in February 1994, Amman pact meant to end the political crisis, was signed by leaders of the majority and the opposition prior to the outbreak of fighting first two months later.
In 2006, he announced that he does not stand for presidential elections, then backed down, "carried" by the protests "spontaneous" support his candidacy. It was therefore to answer the call of the people "he" sacrificed himself "again for the good of the fatherland! This mixture of duplicity and cunning tactics helped Saleh for" dancing on the heads of snakes " as he said to describe the act of governing Yemen.
confronted upon taking power in 1978 in an attempted coup nearly all successful and unsuccessful war against Yemen in the South, the ability of Saleh integrate its rivals in its client networks, tribes in the army through the opposition leaders, is one of the reasons for his political survival.
Few Yemenis who might have considered that this young officer, regardless educated and Arabic at fault, would govern for three decades and realize the dream of Yemeni unity. In the beginning was very sulphurous reputation. As military governor of Taiz area he was suspected of being involved in certain types of traffic passing through the Red Sea but also, more importantly, to have participated in the conspiracy against the popular president Ibrahim Al-Hamdi was assassinated in 1977.
Its mode of government based on patronage produced a political system that combines extreme centralization of power and spin of political control and repressive force locally. For locking and security forces is also the proliferation of small heads and their customers. His detailed knowledge of the tribal card and its control over the resources of state and foreign aid have allowed it to distribute bribes and involve much of the political staff in the systematic bleeding of national wealth: from the distribution of land formerly nationalized the former South Yemen economic opportunities offered by trade import-export.
Its current rivals, the tribal family of Al-Ahmar Ali Mohsen and his relative were the beneficiaries of this system, which he does not hesitate to recall today, accusing them of being "corrupt allies and saboteurs Al-Qaeda. " The strategy of chaos that seems to have chosen to break the coalescence of its oppositions parties of the Joint Forum, popular mobilization led by the youth movement and southern rebel Zaidi, also follows an impulsive and vindictive character who turns every political dispute in an attack on his person.
Gradually, as the popular protest movement became increasingly massive and threatened the heart of its patronage system, the machine of repression was distraught. It multiplied the collective crimes and ultimately attacked his former allies Hachid tribes and the Rally for the Yemeni reform.
This option may seem like a suicidal attempt to save a desperate regime that went into his last battle, exposing to light his face criminal. France has provided unwavering support for the regime of President Saleh and in return has received lucrative contracts (gas, oil, defense equipment and safety, etc.)..
This is certainly not for his contribution to the francophone and development of cultural relations between the two countries as France was issued in 2010, the rank of Chevalier of the Legion of Honour Ammar, nephew of President Saleh is at the forefront in the savage repression beating demonstrators.
It should now try to restore its reputation by providing full support for the democratic movement in Yemen. Habib Abdulrab, Yemeni writer, university professor, INSA, Rouen and Franck Mermier, researcher at CNRS
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