Abu Mazen and Khaled Meshal and Ismail Haniyeh "We announce to the Palestinians that we have always turned to the black page of the division." With these words, the Palestinian Authority president, Mahmoud Abbas, hailed the conclusion of the ceremony of signing the agreement providing for a reunion between the two main Palestinian political groups, Fatah and Hamas.
The agreement, announced a few days ago, was signed with a solemn ceremony held Wednesday morning in the Egyptian intelligence headquarters, main, but not the sole mediator of this "peace treaty". It was in 2006 that Abbas met Khaled Meshaal, Hamas's number one. Since the Palestinian elections that were won by Islamist party, forced into months of international pressure to abandon the government.
The division among the Palestinians has become almost a civil war the following year, when Hamas, with a coup, took control of the Gaza Strip, breaking the administrative unit of the Palestinian territories. Between the two parties has been a struggle full of low blows each other: the Hamas leaders were briefly detained and often tortured in the territories controlled by the PNA and Fatah, which is in the West Bank, while Fatah was arrested and tortured, often in the Strip Gaza.
Above all, the division has allowed the Israeli government to completely discredit the Palestinian leadership and to run aground once again the so-called peace process. He did not pass the opportunity, the Hamas leader Meshaal, to send a political message to the Israeli government, which in recent days had already harshly criticized the agreement and "invited" the PNA to choose: either peace with Israel or the one with Hamas.
"Our only struggle is against Israel - said Meshaal - Our goal is to establish a sovereign Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, with Jerusalem as its capital, not settlers, without giving a single meter of land and without sacrificing the right of return for refugees. " Nothing new really, except the fact that these are the conditions that Hamas and the new scenarioMediorientale become, at least in theory, the conditions for future negotiations with Israel.
Trai main points is the formation of three committees, one for planning the next elections, to be held within one year, the second for the reform of the PLO and the third for the creation of a single security apparatus for all the Palestinian territories, dismantling, at least in theory, the various militias that refer to each political force.
In the ceremony, however, there was something else. In addition to representatives of the Arab League, European Union and the United Nations, there were also three members of the Arab Israeli parliament, the Knesset. It 'an important signal in the internal dynamics of the Palestinians, because it is a message to "those of '48", the Palestinians remained within the borders of the new Jewish state, and now Israeli citizens, often discriminated against by the majority.
The signal is the drive that the Palestinian factions have reached today is aimed at involving all Palestinians, regardless of where they are to live in both the recognized borders of Israel and in refugee camps scattered through the Middle East. Not only that. The agreement paves the way for new Palestinian elections, to be held within one year, to renew both the presidency and the national parliament.
Passing through the renewal of the political bodies of the Organization for the Liberation of Palestine, the PLO. The umbrella that covers many Palestinian political organizations, but not Hamas, has long needed a thorough reform, repeatedly postponed by the top of the body and especially those of its largest faction, Fatah.
The risk for all Palestinian political elites, is to be swept away by an Arab spring style protest. An appointment, in the Territories, and there shall be 15 May. A meeting without a clear center and driven by lattice activism, Egyptian, not a little worried that all the cadres of political forces consolidated, not excluding Hamas.
Behind the agreement there are also other pressures and other factors. The first is the change of the institutional framework and political environment in Egypt. The regime of Hosni Mubarak, through its intelligence chief Omar Suleiman, had carefully determined mediation efforts with unexpected closures, thus making it more difficult for agreement among the Palestinians.
The revolution in Cairo has had the initial effect of break the deadlock and the new Palestinian Foreign Minister Nabil al-Arab Egyptian, has taken over the files of the shops close in a few weeks what Suleiman trailed by at least two years. In addition, Cairo has announced that soon - not yet known when, though - will be permanently open the Rafah crossing, which links the Gaza Strip to Egypt.
In fact it will be the end of isolation for a million and half people massed in the Strip. It 'also a sign for the Israeli government, but seems not to leave the rails of the vision of a Middle East that is breaking down week after week. The reaction of the Israeli Prime Minister Benyamin Netanyahu inter-agreement, in fact, was dramatic: "The PA must choose, or peace with Israel or the one with Hamas." As a first act of retaliation, in recent days, the Israeli government decided to suspend transfers of taxes and customs duties collected on behalf of the PNA.
Eighty million dollars of the PNA are well frozen. The official explanation is that the Israeli government must be sure that those funds - the right of the PNA on the basis of existing agreements - do not go to fund Hamas, which Israel (like the U.S. and the EU) considers a terrorist organization.
Each year, the NPC received by the Israeli government and among the billion and a half billion dollars in transfer of duties and taxes, in practice one third of the entire budget of the Palestinian Authority. "It's not easy to keep up this agreement, there are many enemies on many sides," he said shortly before the ceremony Mahmoud Abbas to the Egyptian newspaper Al Ahram.
And the enemies are not only external. The Salafist groups that abducted and killed in Gaza Vittorio Arrigoni few weeks ago one of the threats are internal, as well as other extremist groups active mainly in Palestinian refugee camps in Lebanon. Not to mention, among the external enemies, the most extremist fringes of the organizations of Jewish settlers who fear having to dislodge the colonies in case of an agreement between Israel and PNA.
What is certain is that the resumption of talks between the Israeli government and Palestinian Authority will be very tiring. "How can we negotiate with a government that calls for half the destruction of Israel and glorify bin Laden?" Netanyahu said in response to questions from reporters.
The reference is to statements by Ismail Haniyeh, the Hamas leader in Gaza, about the assassination of Osama bin Laden, described as a holy warrior Arabic. "I ask Abu Mazen (Mahmoud Abbas) to cancel the agreement with Hamas and choose peace with Israel," Netanyahu said even after meeting Tony Blair in Jerusalem, the EU Special Representative.
But it seems that once again, as with the Arab riots of spring, the Israeli government was taken aback by the sudden acceleration of inter-negotiations. Before announcing the agreement, given the same intelligence Egypt last week, it seemed that the question was significantly increased in the second floor of the new rulers of the Cairo agenda.
Things were not so, obviously, and now the Israeli government, also pledged to monitor the situation in Syria, is faced with a fait accompli that threatens to further disrupt the status quo strategy on which Netanyahu had bet since beginning of his government. On the horizon, however, there is an important appointment.
In September, the General Assembly of the United Nations, the Palestinian leadership seems determined to seek recognition of the State of Palestine as a member of the UN. According to Abbas, are already 130 countries that have given their availability, but there is some heavy unknowns, first of all the EU's position.
It is not yet clear whether all the European countries decide on their own (as it was in other cases, eg in Kosovo) or whether the EU will try to reach a common position. As the statement above would have a symbolic effect, its political sense it would also be very heavy for an Israeli government, less and less able to see in advance of the storms that are sweeping the Middle East.
Enzo Mangini - Letter 22
The agreement, announced a few days ago, was signed with a solemn ceremony held Wednesday morning in the Egyptian intelligence headquarters, main, but not the sole mediator of this "peace treaty". It was in 2006 that Abbas met Khaled Meshaal, Hamas's number one. Since the Palestinian elections that were won by Islamist party, forced into months of international pressure to abandon the government.
The division among the Palestinians has become almost a civil war the following year, when Hamas, with a coup, took control of the Gaza Strip, breaking the administrative unit of the Palestinian territories. Between the two parties has been a struggle full of low blows each other: the Hamas leaders were briefly detained and often tortured in the territories controlled by the PNA and Fatah, which is in the West Bank, while Fatah was arrested and tortured, often in the Strip Gaza.
Above all, the division has allowed the Israeli government to completely discredit the Palestinian leadership and to run aground once again the so-called peace process. He did not pass the opportunity, the Hamas leader Meshaal, to send a political message to the Israeli government, which in recent days had already harshly criticized the agreement and "invited" the PNA to choose: either peace with Israel or the one with Hamas.
"Our only struggle is against Israel - said Meshaal - Our goal is to establish a sovereign Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, with Jerusalem as its capital, not settlers, without giving a single meter of land and without sacrificing the right of return for refugees. " Nothing new really, except the fact that these are the conditions that Hamas and the new scenarioMediorientale become, at least in theory, the conditions for future negotiations with Israel.
Trai main points is the formation of three committees, one for planning the next elections, to be held within one year, the second for the reform of the PLO and the third for the creation of a single security apparatus for all the Palestinian territories, dismantling, at least in theory, the various militias that refer to each political force.
In the ceremony, however, there was something else. In addition to representatives of the Arab League, European Union and the United Nations, there were also three members of the Arab Israeli parliament, the Knesset. It 'an important signal in the internal dynamics of the Palestinians, because it is a message to "those of '48", the Palestinians remained within the borders of the new Jewish state, and now Israeli citizens, often discriminated against by the majority.
The signal is the drive that the Palestinian factions have reached today is aimed at involving all Palestinians, regardless of where they are to live in both the recognized borders of Israel and in refugee camps scattered through the Middle East. Not only that. The agreement paves the way for new Palestinian elections, to be held within one year, to renew both the presidency and the national parliament.
Passing through the renewal of the political bodies of the Organization for the Liberation of Palestine, the PLO. The umbrella that covers many Palestinian political organizations, but not Hamas, has long needed a thorough reform, repeatedly postponed by the top of the body and especially those of its largest faction, Fatah.
The risk for all Palestinian political elites, is to be swept away by an Arab spring style protest. An appointment, in the Territories, and there shall be 15 May. A meeting without a clear center and driven by lattice activism, Egyptian, not a little worried that all the cadres of political forces consolidated, not excluding Hamas.
Behind the agreement there are also other pressures and other factors. The first is the change of the institutional framework and political environment in Egypt. The regime of Hosni Mubarak, through its intelligence chief Omar Suleiman, had carefully determined mediation efforts with unexpected closures, thus making it more difficult for agreement among the Palestinians.
The revolution in Cairo has had the initial effect of break the deadlock and the new Palestinian Foreign Minister Nabil al-Arab Egyptian, has taken over the files of the shops close in a few weeks what Suleiman trailed by at least two years. In addition, Cairo has announced that soon - not yet known when, though - will be permanently open the Rafah crossing, which links the Gaza Strip to Egypt.
In fact it will be the end of isolation for a million and half people massed in the Strip. It 'also a sign for the Israeli government, but seems not to leave the rails of the vision of a Middle East that is breaking down week after week. The reaction of the Israeli Prime Minister Benyamin Netanyahu inter-agreement, in fact, was dramatic: "The PA must choose, or peace with Israel or the one with Hamas." As a first act of retaliation, in recent days, the Israeli government decided to suspend transfers of taxes and customs duties collected on behalf of the PNA.
Eighty million dollars of the PNA are well frozen. The official explanation is that the Israeli government must be sure that those funds - the right of the PNA on the basis of existing agreements - do not go to fund Hamas, which Israel (like the U.S. and the EU) considers a terrorist organization.
Each year, the NPC received by the Israeli government and among the billion and a half billion dollars in transfer of duties and taxes, in practice one third of the entire budget of the Palestinian Authority. "It's not easy to keep up this agreement, there are many enemies on many sides," he said shortly before the ceremony Mahmoud Abbas to the Egyptian newspaper Al Ahram.
And the enemies are not only external. The Salafist groups that abducted and killed in Gaza Vittorio Arrigoni few weeks ago one of the threats are internal, as well as other extremist groups active mainly in Palestinian refugee camps in Lebanon. Not to mention, among the external enemies, the most extremist fringes of the organizations of Jewish settlers who fear having to dislodge the colonies in case of an agreement between Israel and PNA.
What is certain is that the resumption of talks between the Israeli government and Palestinian Authority will be very tiring. "How can we negotiate with a government that calls for half the destruction of Israel and glorify bin Laden?" Netanyahu said in response to questions from reporters.
The reference is to statements by Ismail Haniyeh, the Hamas leader in Gaza, about the assassination of Osama bin Laden, described as a holy warrior Arabic. "I ask Abu Mazen (Mahmoud Abbas) to cancel the agreement with Hamas and choose peace with Israel," Netanyahu said even after meeting Tony Blair in Jerusalem, the EU Special Representative.
But it seems that once again, as with the Arab riots of spring, the Israeli government was taken aback by the sudden acceleration of inter-negotiations. Before announcing the agreement, given the same intelligence Egypt last week, it seemed that the question was significantly increased in the second floor of the new rulers of the Cairo agenda.
Things were not so, obviously, and now the Israeli government, also pledged to monitor the situation in Syria, is faced with a fait accompli that threatens to further disrupt the status quo strategy on which Netanyahu had bet since beginning of his government. On the horizon, however, there is an important appointment.
In September, the General Assembly of the United Nations, the Palestinian leadership seems determined to seek recognition of the State of Palestine as a member of the UN. According to Abbas, are already 130 countries that have given their availability, but there is some heavy unknowns, first of all the EU's position.
It is not yet clear whether all the European countries decide on their own (as it was in other cases, eg in Kosovo) or whether the EU will try to reach a common position. As the statement above would have a symbolic effect, its political sense it would also be very heavy for an Israeli government, less and less able to see in advance of the storms that are sweeping the Middle East.
Enzo Mangini - Letter 22
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