n Cairo, protesters shouted: "The people want the collapse of the system", while in Tel Aviv protesters claim: "The people want social justice." While the middle class angry camped for two weeks on the Rothschild Boulevard, grouse artery of the economic capital of Israel, do not ask - for now - the resignation of the government of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.
But their movement, like the Arab revolution, expresses a yearning for change, a thirst for debate in a society too compartmentalized. As the Shebab in Tahrir Square, which debunked the statue of rais Mubarak, young Tel Aviv, for which the "revolt of the tents" arrived, want to shake the old idols neoliberal.
After thirty years of single thought - represented by Stanley Fischer, the current governor of the Israeli central bank, which was, as adviser to the government in the 1980s, one of the instigators of the dismantling of the welfare state of Israel - the demonstrators want inject politics in the economic debate.
It is urgent. If the indicators are looking good, with unemployment at its lowest in decades (5.7% in May) and a growth rate that exceeds 5%, social inequalities are among the highest in OECD . Poverty affects one in five. For children, the ratio is even more alarming (one in three), because of high fertility in the ultra-Orthodox and Arab homes, which are among the poorest in the country.
For Netanyahu, this sling is a snub social staff. During his first term, between 1996 and 1999, and especially when he officiated as Finance Minister Ariel Sharon from 2003 to 2005, he increased the cuts in social spending. Its main rivals have, however, wrong to celebrate. Nor Tzipi Livni, the leader of the Kadima Party (center right) or Ehud Barak, the founder of Atzmaout, formerly boss of Labor (center left), did singled out by some social zeal.
On the contrary. On economic issues, their views are almost identical. The reopening of a debate for years banned can only be beneficial for the State of Israel. The question is whether this protest will stop at the borders of the economy or if it will address the burning issue of the Palestinian question.
But their movement, like the Arab revolution, expresses a yearning for change, a thirst for debate in a society too compartmentalized. As the Shebab in Tahrir Square, which debunked the statue of rais Mubarak, young Tel Aviv, for which the "revolt of the tents" arrived, want to shake the old idols neoliberal.
After thirty years of single thought - represented by Stanley Fischer, the current governor of the Israeli central bank, which was, as adviser to the government in the 1980s, one of the instigators of the dismantling of the welfare state of Israel - the demonstrators want inject politics in the economic debate.
It is urgent. If the indicators are looking good, with unemployment at its lowest in decades (5.7% in May) and a growth rate that exceeds 5%, social inequalities are among the highest in OECD . Poverty affects one in five. For children, the ratio is even more alarming (one in three), because of high fertility in the ultra-Orthodox and Arab homes, which are among the poorest in the country.
For Netanyahu, this sling is a snub social staff. During his first term, between 1996 and 1999, and especially when he officiated as Finance Minister Ariel Sharon from 2003 to 2005, he increased the cuts in social spending. Its main rivals have, however, wrong to celebrate. Nor Tzipi Livni, the leader of the Kadima Party (center right) or Ehud Barak, the founder of Atzmaout, formerly boss of Labor (center left), did singled out by some social zeal.
On the contrary. On economic issues, their views are almost identical. The reopening of a debate for years banned can only be beneficial for the State of Israel. The question is whether this protest will stop at the borders of the economy or if it will address the burning issue of the Palestinian question.
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