"They thought I was going to be a substitute for President Uribe and will continue his policies. But that was absurd from the beginning. Uribe Uribe and Santos Santos, and Santos has a different approach." Juan Manuel Santos, President of Colombia, visiting Spain, has posed the biggest plan of political and social reform in the country who knows more than half a century.
Its cardinal points are the North American Free Trade Agreement with the United States abroad, and land laws and victims, on the inside. And a moment will in October municipal elections to be held in the jewel in the crown, the mayor of Bogotá. In the long conflict between the State and the FARC and narco, who has suffered has been the farmer.
Are now several million displaced, some 400,000 families were evicted from their land by paramilitary counterinsurgency, by the very guerrilla who led until his death Manuel Marulanda, for drug trafficking networks and unscrupulous landlords who were fishing in troubled waters. The numbers vary between three and six million hectares taken from their rightful owners, and the president, with Agriculture Minister Juan Camilo Restrepo, proposes nothing less than returning to the land law, and repair to that of victims, those affected.
And only recover half of this theft and would be a democratic revolution. The difficulties are, however, enormous. The previous president, Alvaro Uribe, who took a first step towards modernizing the country jockeyed to the guerrillas to the most inhospitable of national geography, encrypt one of his greatest successes in the demobilization of some 31,000 paramilitaries.
A band of suspected sorry that he was offered a means of social reintegration in cases that were not guilty of atrocities, which many accepted formally, without interrupting several thousand are now integrated into criminal gangs of narco-BACRIM in a language that loves acronyms, making the crime rate escalate back to the chilling heights of the nineties.
And if, while working in the social Santos, with all the special interests that have to face, he breaks public safety, you run the risk of being compared unfavorably to his predecessor. Colombia has signed an FTA with Canada's forthcoming entry into force and negotiations with the EU as much, but where it breaks the political and economic copper is in agreement with the United States.
Signed the treaty in 2006 and quickly ratified by Colombia, the U.S. Democratic party had delayed its implementation by inadequacies in Bogota legislation on trade union rights and protection to the safety of their agents. Santos remembered for it last week with President Obama the elimination of these evils, and in the coming months, the TLC will be sent to Congress, where approval appears more feasible than ever before.
The agreement, which provides disarm tariff for imports from the United States, will also support, from a neoliberal perspective, the Colombian production but, above all, is an anchor of the privileged relationship with Washington that Santos has insisted that there is a rebalancing away from the attitude of the beggar who passes the plate in the White House.
Before the October elections, it is not clear that the ruling made by Uribe, and Santistas posuribistas will present a common front. Alvaro Uribe is willing to deny the bon mot of Felipe Gonzalez that presidents are like Chinese vases that nobody knows where. He does know: assembling his own coalition to dominate the local power and eventually the legislature, as necessary stepping stones to a new presidency.
On several occasions, the former president has refused to go to bid for mayor, but not everyone gives him credit. And in any case, a Colombia with Uribe in the capital would be sworn in as a country with two presidents. But even without this, the Saints can not fancy a strong partner with a memory so strong and positive opinion.
The Most Holy, with its macro-reforms, there is a second version Uribe. In October, it is hard to make a synthesis between very different ambitions, because as the classic house with two doors is to keep bad. 
Its cardinal points are the North American Free Trade Agreement with the United States abroad, and land laws and victims, on the inside. And a moment will in October municipal elections to be held in the jewel in the crown, the mayor of Bogotá. In the long conflict between the State and the FARC and narco, who has suffered has been the farmer.
Are now several million displaced, some 400,000 families were evicted from their land by paramilitary counterinsurgency, by the very guerrilla who led until his death Manuel Marulanda, for drug trafficking networks and unscrupulous landlords who were fishing in troubled waters. The numbers vary between three and six million hectares taken from their rightful owners, and the president, with Agriculture Minister Juan Camilo Restrepo, proposes nothing less than returning to the land law, and repair to that of victims, those affected.
And only recover half of this theft and would be a democratic revolution. The difficulties are, however, enormous. The previous president, Alvaro Uribe, who took a first step towards modernizing the country jockeyed to the guerrillas to the most inhospitable of national geography, encrypt one of his greatest successes in the demobilization of some 31,000 paramilitaries.
A band of suspected sorry that he was offered a means of social reintegration in cases that were not guilty of atrocities, which many accepted formally, without interrupting several thousand are now integrated into criminal gangs of narco-BACRIM in a language that loves acronyms, making the crime rate escalate back to the chilling heights of the nineties.
And if, while working in the social Santos, with all the special interests that have to face, he breaks public safety, you run the risk of being compared unfavorably to his predecessor. Colombia has signed an FTA with Canada's forthcoming entry into force and negotiations with the EU as much, but where it breaks the political and economic copper is in agreement with the United States.
Signed the treaty in 2006 and quickly ratified by Colombia, the U.S. Democratic party had delayed its implementation by inadequacies in Bogota legislation on trade union rights and protection to the safety of their agents. Santos remembered for it last week with President Obama the elimination of these evils, and in the coming months, the TLC will be sent to Congress, where approval appears more feasible than ever before.
The agreement, which provides disarm tariff for imports from the United States, will also support, from a neoliberal perspective, the Colombian production but, above all, is an anchor of the privileged relationship with Washington that Santos has insisted that there is a rebalancing away from the attitude of the beggar who passes the plate in the White House.
Before the October elections, it is not clear that the ruling made by Uribe, and Santistas posuribistas will present a common front. Alvaro Uribe is willing to deny the bon mot of Felipe Gonzalez that presidents are like Chinese vases that nobody knows where. He does know: assembling his own coalition to dominate the local power and eventually the legislature, as necessary stepping stones to a new presidency.
On several occasions, the former president has refused to go to bid for mayor, but not everyone gives him credit. And in any case, a Colombia with Uribe in the capital would be sworn in as a country with two presidents. But even without this, the Saints can not fancy a strong partner with a memory so strong and positive opinion.
The Most Holy, with its macro-reforms, there is a second version Uribe. In October, it is hard to make a synthesis between very different ambitions, because as the classic house with two doors is to keep bad.
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