As in the Tunisian and Egyptian revolutions, the wave of protest that took Syria since March 18 is a movement without leadership claimed or clearly identified. In this it contrasts with the recent initiatives launched against the regime in 2005 and 2006 at a time when President Bashar Al-Assad was on the defensive after the forced withdrawal from Lebanon following the assassination of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri, in which the Syrian authorities were suspected.
In October 2005, figures from the nationalist left, mostly lawyers and intellectuals, had drafted a Damascus Declaration calling for drastic changes. This statement was supported by the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood movement, outlawed in Syria since the civil war that had opposed the power of Hafez Al-Assad in the early eighties, and whose surviving members live in exile in Europe mainly in the United Kingdom.
Subsequently, the head of the Muslim Brotherhood, Ali Sadreddin al-Bayanouni, had approached the National Front hello launched by former Syrian Vice-Prime Minister Abdel Halim Khaddam, who broke with President Bashar Al-Assad in 2005 and also has lived in exile. None of these officials is on the frontline.
All seem to have been caught short, as the regime by the demonstrations that began to swarm into the country, Friday, March 25, even they remained still in their infancy in most cases. These demonstrations have so far spared areas historically rebels as the Jebel Druze, which lies near Dera, the current focus of protest and repression.
Muntaha Al-Atrash, daughter of the great figure in the struggle against the French Mandate in Syria and director of an organization defending human rights, has publicly challenged the Syrian president on the BBC. Similarly, the Kurdish region in north-eastern Syria, is not known at this time of large gatherings, seven years after the riots in Qamishli that forced the Syrian president to overtures towards a minority of poorly integrated.
According to observers, the main Kurdish officials have negotiated with the Syrian authorities to be able to freely celebrate their birthdays on March 21 of Newroz, which according to tradition commemorates the liberation of the Assyrian yoke. Free movement of structures and leaders, the challenge is Syrian for the moment on a handful of slogans: the end of the state of emergency imposed in 1963, the release of prisoners and an end to corruption.
Themes that the regime has begun to raise on March 24 in hopes to bring a halt to demonstrations expected for the next day, without convincing his good faith. The strategy of the demonstrators is limited for now to bring to public attention, Syria and beyond, as quickly as possible and thanks to the Internet, images of parades or victims of repression.
An elementary but effective strategy against which the Syrian authorities seem powerless. Thus, the cutting of telephone networks Deraa was unable to prevent the demonstrators to use those of Jordan, not far away. Gilles Paris 
In October 2005, figures from the nationalist left, mostly lawyers and intellectuals, had drafted a Damascus Declaration calling for drastic changes. This statement was supported by the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood movement, outlawed in Syria since the civil war that had opposed the power of Hafez Al-Assad in the early eighties, and whose surviving members live in exile in Europe mainly in the United Kingdom.
Subsequently, the head of the Muslim Brotherhood, Ali Sadreddin al-Bayanouni, had approached the National Front hello launched by former Syrian Vice-Prime Minister Abdel Halim Khaddam, who broke with President Bashar Al-Assad in 2005 and also has lived in exile. None of these officials is on the frontline.
All seem to have been caught short, as the regime by the demonstrations that began to swarm into the country, Friday, March 25, even they remained still in their infancy in most cases. These demonstrations have so far spared areas historically rebels as the Jebel Druze, which lies near Dera, the current focus of protest and repression.
Muntaha Al-Atrash, daughter of the great figure in the struggle against the French Mandate in Syria and director of an organization defending human rights, has publicly challenged the Syrian president on the BBC. Similarly, the Kurdish region in north-eastern Syria, is not known at this time of large gatherings, seven years after the riots in Qamishli that forced the Syrian president to overtures towards a minority of poorly integrated.
According to observers, the main Kurdish officials have negotiated with the Syrian authorities to be able to freely celebrate their birthdays on March 21 of Newroz, which according to tradition commemorates the liberation of the Assyrian yoke. Free movement of structures and leaders, the challenge is Syrian for the moment on a handful of slogans: the end of the state of emergency imposed in 1963, the release of prisoners and an end to corruption.
Themes that the regime has begun to raise on March 24 in hopes to bring a halt to demonstrations expected for the next day, without convincing his good faith. The strategy of the demonstrators is limited for now to bring to public attention, Syria and beyond, as quickly as possible and thanks to the Internet, images of parades or victims of repression.
An elementary but effective strategy against which the Syrian authorities seem powerless. Thus, the cutting of telephone networks Deraa was unable to prevent the demonstrators to use those of Jordan, not far away. Gilles Paris
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