BRUSSELS - The agreement came in the late afternoon, after a conference call between the Foreign Ministers of the United States, France, Britain and Turkey. The command of military operations in Libya will fully NATO. Already by Sunday, the Alliance will inherit U.S. Africa Command (Africom U.S.) management of no-fly zone.
That is, pure and simple fly. Then, by Tuesday, coinciding with the Summit Conference of the coalition to be held in London, NATO will also take over the direction of the no-fly zone plus, ugly term that indicates even the bombing missions militias that attack Gaddafi civilians. At this point all military activities will be concentrated under the command of Shape (Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers Europe) in Mons, from maritime patrol to check on the embargo, air interdiction, ground attack missions.
Along the lines of what already exists for the ISAF mission in Afghanistan, the political leadership will be exercised by the Atlantic Council, extended an opportunity for representatives of non-NATO countries that are part of the coalition, such as Emirates and Qatar. At the end of both France and Turkey have succumbed to the pressure of the overwhelming majority of the allies, who wanted to bring back the chain of command under the umbrella of the Atlantic.
The French, however, can save face by saying that the conference will be in London between the Foreign Ministers of the coalition to provide "the political-strategic umbrella" under which NATO will act. Turkey, which had felt offended for not having been invited by Sarkozy at the Paris Summit (as was not invited to the NATO secretary general), can console themselves having proved its inevitability in the machine of the Atlantic Alliance.
The United States, in a hurry to go hand in managing the crisis in Libya, we can be satisfied. Britain, which with France will be one that will stand the brunt of the military effort, especially for bombing missions, in the end he got everything he wanted, as often happens. Italy can also be satisfied: the transition of the operation under the NATO command responds to our needs.
It will allow us to participate in the operation to the extent that the government has imposed. Although the command will be unique for all three missions, embargo, bombing and air interdiction, each country will have freedom to decide which part and what is not simply selecting the means to make available.
Turkey, for example, will only provide ships for maritime patrol. Italy will provide ships and aircraft for monitoring the embargo and the no-fly zone. Germany will not give anything. French, British, American and perhaps other countries will also fighter-bombers to neutralize the militia of Colonel.
The news of the agreement came to brighten the spirits of the Heads of Government meeting in Brussels for EU summit. Twenty-seven I have listened to the proposals of Merkel, who wants to address the fugitive German proposing a strengthening of the oil, without too much trouble. Italy has indicated it is not opposed "in principle", stating, however, consider it more appropriate to a decision taken within the framework of the UN.
On the night we met in New York the UN Security Council. The Secretary-General Ban Ki Moon warned Tripoli: "Additional measures that go beyond Resolution 1973" could be taken if Libya did not follow the demands of the international community. 
That is, pure and simple fly. Then, by Tuesday, coinciding with the Summit Conference of the coalition to be held in London, NATO will also take over the direction of the no-fly zone plus, ugly term that indicates even the bombing missions militias that attack Gaddafi civilians. At this point all military activities will be concentrated under the command of Shape (Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers Europe) in Mons, from maritime patrol to check on the embargo, air interdiction, ground attack missions.
Along the lines of what already exists for the ISAF mission in Afghanistan, the political leadership will be exercised by the Atlantic Council, extended an opportunity for representatives of non-NATO countries that are part of the coalition, such as Emirates and Qatar. At the end of both France and Turkey have succumbed to the pressure of the overwhelming majority of the allies, who wanted to bring back the chain of command under the umbrella of the Atlantic.
The French, however, can save face by saying that the conference will be in London between the Foreign Ministers of the coalition to provide "the political-strategic umbrella" under which NATO will act. Turkey, which had felt offended for not having been invited by Sarkozy at the Paris Summit (as was not invited to the NATO secretary general), can console themselves having proved its inevitability in the machine of the Atlantic Alliance.
The United States, in a hurry to go hand in managing the crisis in Libya, we can be satisfied. Britain, which with France will be one that will stand the brunt of the military effort, especially for bombing missions, in the end he got everything he wanted, as often happens. Italy can also be satisfied: the transition of the operation under the NATO command responds to our needs.
It will allow us to participate in the operation to the extent that the government has imposed. Although the command will be unique for all three missions, embargo, bombing and air interdiction, each country will have freedom to decide which part and what is not simply selecting the means to make available.
Turkey, for example, will only provide ships for maritime patrol. Italy will provide ships and aircraft for monitoring the embargo and the no-fly zone. Germany will not give anything. French, British, American and perhaps other countries will also fighter-bombers to neutralize the militia of Colonel.
The news of the agreement came to brighten the spirits of the Heads of Government meeting in Brussels for EU summit. Twenty-seven I have listened to the proposals of Merkel, who wants to address the fugitive German proposing a strengthening of the oil, without too much trouble. Italy has indicated it is not opposed "in principle", stating, however, consider it more appropriate to a decision taken within the framework of the UN.
On the night we met in New York the UN Security Council. The Secretary-General Ban Ki Moon warned Tripoli: "Additional measures that go beyond Resolution 1973" could be taken if Libya did not follow the demands of the international community.
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