With international attention focused on what happens between Tripoli and Benghazi, threatens to overshadow the fire extending into the Mashreq, the Arab Levant. A fire that now extends from Syria to Yemen, through Jordan and even the Shiite regions of Saudi Arabia, forcing world oil supplies. Syria - The situation is perhaps the most explosive Syria.
In the night between Sunday and Monday, security forces opened fire on demonstrators in the city of Homs, a traditional stronghold of the religious-inspired movements against the regime of Assad. According to the pan-Arab broadcaster Al Jazeera, the dead are at least 13. A figure likely to rise if, as some say local witnesses, there are injuries, even in serious conditions, which do not go to the hospital for fear of being arrested.
Sunday was a day of demonstrations in many parts of the country. The opposition called on the Syrians to take to the streets to give a new sense of independence anniversary, which commemorates the end of the French after the First World War. The cartel known as the Damascus Declaration opposition blamed the government for the death of activists of Homs and invited the Syrians do not stop the mobilization.
President Bashar Assad, for his part, announced Saturday the end of the emergency laws in force for decades, and the formation of a new government. Moves quite inadequate, at least for now, to appease the anger of large sections of the Syrian population. It is likely, however, a bloody stalemate.
Assad can count on the fact that a few weeks ago the U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton has said Washington will not intervene in Syria, despite the fear of contagion. From Damascus to Beirut there are few tens of kilometers, and when no one seems to want the Arab spring arrives too fragile in the Lebanese capital, the nerve terminal enzymes of the Arab world.
The opposition, at least so far, have failed to reach a critical mass of citizens to narrow enough to bring the regime and have not identified any figure that can guarantee a peaceful transition. Then the next few weeks will decide whether Assad will have to follow the fate of the Tunisian and Egyptian Hosni Mubarak Ben Ali or whether it will maintain for a while 'his power, even at the price of painful concessions.
Yemen - who seems closer to the terminus of his government more than thirty years is the Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh. Despite the deployment of army units still loyal to the president (especially the Republican Guard commanded by one of his sons), the protests have spread from the capital Sana'a to other cities, such as Taiz and Ibb and the port Al Hudaydah.
Saleh continues to use tones of contempt for the opposition. But the so-called Group of Paris (a sign of dissidents in exile, founded in 2002) decided to send a delegation to Saudi Arabia to discuss with the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) provides a possible political settlement - a prerequisite according to the opposition - the end of the Saleh regime and probably his exile.
An earlier proposal by the GCC was rejected by the rebels because they did not foresee the rapid departure of Saleh. The only way, according to the rebels, to prevent the country's headlong plunge into civil war, with an army ready to stand against the president and some instead still committed to quell protests that have been going on for almost three months and are costing more than 110 deaths.
Saudi Arabia - Grappling with internal problems and also Saudi Arabia. On 15 April, for the second day in a row, hundreds of people demonstrated in the oil city of Qatif, in the east, on the shores of the Persian Gulf. The demonstrators demanded an end to arbitrary arrests of dissidents and the recognition of equal rights to the minority Shiite facts strongly discriminated against by the rigid orthodoxy of the Wahhabi kingdom.
Many signs of solidarity with the demonstrators Shiites of Bahrain. That of the Saudi Shiites is not yet a real uprising, but it is certainly a wake-up the alarm for the al Saud dynasty. According to intelligence sources, then, would also be proof of Tehran's involvement in the protests.
The Iranian government, seen as a strategic adversary of the Saudis for supremacy in the Muslim world, has repeatedly stated (but always with the second-level officials) in the case of a crackdown against Shiites could not stand by and watch. Jordan - They do not go the tensions between Shiites and Sunnis, however, the protests have taken place in recent days in Jordan, particularly in the city of Zarqa, the birthplace of Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, long-lieutenant of al Qaida in Iraq before be killed in June 2006.
Zarqa is an industrial city with a strong presence of Salafist groups and fundamentalists, which also came from Abu Musab. The clashes with government security forces have gone on throughout the day on April 15, after Friday prayers, with the aftermath of summary arrests and searches in the following days.
The Jordanian monarchy seems caught between two fires: Amman to continue the demonstrations to demand democratic reforms (again last Friday there were at least 2 thousand people in the streets), while from Zarqa rises to the challenge of fundamentalist movements, which require the application of Sharia and the end of the alliance with the United States.
The choice for King Abdullah, educated in Britain and the U.S., it seems easy and almost inevitable: finally keep the promise of democratic renewal of the kingdom, to have the political support necessary to extinguish the fires of fundamentalist protest. Enzo Mangini Lettera22 
In the night between Sunday and Monday, security forces opened fire on demonstrators in the city of Homs, a traditional stronghold of the religious-inspired movements against the regime of Assad. According to the pan-Arab broadcaster Al Jazeera, the dead are at least 13. A figure likely to rise if, as some say local witnesses, there are injuries, even in serious conditions, which do not go to the hospital for fear of being arrested.
Sunday was a day of demonstrations in many parts of the country. The opposition called on the Syrians to take to the streets to give a new sense of independence anniversary, which commemorates the end of the French after the First World War. The cartel known as the Damascus Declaration opposition blamed the government for the death of activists of Homs and invited the Syrians do not stop the mobilization.
President Bashar Assad, for his part, announced Saturday the end of the emergency laws in force for decades, and the formation of a new government. Moves quite inadequate, at least for now, to appease the anger of large sections of the Syrian population. It is likely, however, a bloody stalemate.
Assad can count on the fact that a few weeks ago the U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton has said Washington will not intervene in Syria, despite the fear of contagion. From Damascus to Beirut there are few tens of kilometers, and when no one seems to want the Arab spring arrives too fragile in the Lebanese capital, the nerve terminal enzymes of the Arab world.
The opposition, at least so far, have failed to reach a critical mass of citizens to narrow enough to bring the regime and have not identified any figure that can guarantee a peaceful transition. Then the next few weeks will decide whether Assad will have to follow the fate of the Tunisian and Egyptian Hosni Mubarak Ben Ali or whether it will maintain for a while 'his power, even at the price of painful concessions.
Yemen - who seems closer to the terminus of his government more than thirty years is the Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh. Despite the deployment of army units still loyal to the president (especially the Republican Guard commanded by one of his sons), the protests have spread from the capital Sana'a to other cities, such as Taiz and Ibb and the port Al Hudaydah.
Saleh continues to use tones of contempt for the opposition. But the so-called Group of Paris (a sign of dissidents in exile, founded in 2002) decided to send a delegation to Saudi Arabia to discuss with the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) provides a possible political settlement - a prerequisite according to the opposition - the end of the Saleh regime and probably his exile.
An earlier proposal by the GCC was rejected by the rebels because they did not foresee the rapid departure of Saleh. The only way, according to the rebels, to prevent the country's headlong plunge into civil war, with an army ready to stand against the president and some instead still committed to quell protests that have been going on for almost three months and are costing more than 110 deaths.
Saudi Arabia - Grappling with internal problems and also Saudi Arabia. On 15 April, for the second day in a row, hundreds of people demonstrated in the oil city of Qatif, in the east, on the shores of the Persian Gulf. The demonstrators demanded an end to arbitrary arrests of dissidents and the recognition of equal rights to the minority Shiite facts strongly discriminated against by the rigid orthodoxy of the Wahhabi kingdom.
Many signs of solidarity with the demonstrators Shiites of Bahrain. That of the Saudi Shiites is not yet a real uprising, but it is certainly a wake-up the alarm for the al Saud dynasty. According to intelligence sources, then, would also be proof of Tehran's involvement in the protests.
The Iranian government, seen as a strategic adversary of the Saudis for supremacy in the Muslim world, has repeatedly stated (but always with the second-level officials) in the case of a crackdown against Shiites could not stand by and watch. Jordan - They do not go the tensions between Shiites and Sunnis, however, the protests have taken place in recent days in Jordan, particularly in the city of Zarqa, the birthplace of Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, long-lieutenant of al Qaida in Iraq before be killed in June 2006.
Zarqa is an industrial city with a strong presence of Salafist groups and fundamentalists, which also came from Abu Musab. The clashes with government security forces have gone on throughout the day on April 15, after Friday prayers, with the aftermath of summary arrests and searches in the following days.
The Jordanian monarchy seems caught between two fires: Amman to continue the demonstrations to demand democratic reforms (again last Friday there were at least 2 thousand people in the streets), while from Zarqa rises to the challenge of fundamentalist movements, which require the application of Sharia and the end of the alliance with the United States.
The choice for King Abdullah, educated in Britain and the U.S., it seems easy and almost inevitable: finally keep the promise of democratic renewal of the kingdom, to have the political support necessary to extinguish the fires of fundamentalist protest. Enzo Mangini Lettera22
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