Tuesday, March 22, 2011

I will not vote the government motion on Libya

I share many of the arguments of Paul Flores D'Arcais on the Libyan affair, but I do not think - and indeed the director of Micromega not the question - that I can vote for any motion with the one who has kissed the ring first and Gaddafi The hours wore camouflage fatigues and appending awkwardly late in the grounds of the French and the British, not to mention the questions that are going through the White House, the German Chancellor, the Governments of India, Chinese, Russian.

Of course, this is a very mixed motives, but together they give us the picture of chaos, the lack of coordination, lack of strategy and the possible consequences. Nor is it a big international issue of reducing the size of the shop Italic: for this you can not share a point the result of opportunism, improvisation, internal divisions and a majority who, having laid out the red carpet in front of the dictator , now takes the form of captain Fracassa and lists names and numbers of the Tornado at the start.

I should not wonder that even in the end, the League agreed to vote in exchange for a new flyer on federalism and some under halter against immigrants, and maybe even against the Libyans who seek political asylum. Now we have really seen all the colors! Other than the impromptu speeches on human and civil rights ...

I have a great envy for those who never doubts for those who greets her with joy and enthusiasm for military intervention and who, in contrast, believes that there is always another chance, but in Meanwhile the insurgents are still dying like flies and can not wait for some of our times, on the other have never coincided with them, even when asked for help.

Yet, despite these considerations, I will not vote their resolutions, even if they are shared by some or nearly all opposition members of parliament. Not voting because, from the outset, it was ruled out of the way full support to the opposition, has not even attempted a combined and coordinated action to boycott, it was heralded unity of action under the UN flag, but after a few seconds, this unit was already shattered, has not even pretended to give support to those who oppose the dictators and fundamentalists in other areas, have never implemented the resolutions on the Palestinian question.

Among those who support the intervention, as it is configured at this time, and those who believe and always wrong every action, there may be room for those who has doubts about how such a mission? For these reasons, and when the government will ask for a ratification of the mission already in place, and I will vote not inspire my attitude in this brief handbook that was prepared for Flavio Lotti Tavola della Pace, and I would like to report a useful contribution to this discussion: Ten theses on the military one.

One thing is for the UN resolution, its application is another. One thing is to defend human rights. Another is to launch a war. 2. The UN Charter authorizes military service (art. 42), and not any military mission. 3. The military action against Gaddafi was taken quickly by a group of countries that have even competed to determine who bombed first, that does not even have a common strategy, which has no clear unified command but only a form of coordination with an international coalition that cracks the first few rounds, and which is already responding to accusations of being gone beyond their mandate.

You could start in the worst way? 4. For some time it had to act in defense of human rights. We asked repeatedly while the attitude of the Italian Government and the international community and, let us say, of so much of policy makers was between inertia and complicity with Gaddafi. If we had spoken before, we would not at this point.

5. And even now, while you are working in Libya is said and nothing is done to stop the bloody repression of demonstrations in Bahrein, Yemen and other Gulf countries. Italy and Europe, before any other country and institution, must mobilize every resource available to support those who fight for freedom and democracy.

6. We recall that the UN resolution 1973 indicates two main objectives: an immediate ceasefire and an end to violence against civilians. Any action taken in implementation of this resolution shall be consistent with these objectives. That must stop adding fuel to the fire and must protect civilians and not expose them to a new spiral of violence.

The states that have assumed the responsibility to intervene militarily they can not afford to pursue different objectives and means and must act with consistent actions under the "policy coordination" required by UN Resolution 1973. 7. To implement those decisions there must be a device political, diplomatic, civilian and military under the complete control of the UN.

That device does not exist because the great powers have always prevented the UN to implement the provisions of art. 43 of its Charter and to fulfill its mandate. The construction of a real system of global security policy is no longer be postponed. 8. It's not about pacifism. The history and political realism teaches us that war has never been a solution.

War is not a tool you can use to defend human rights. War is not able to solve problems but end up multiply and exacerbate them. 9. Italy has only one interest and one important task: to stop the escalation of violence, the word quickly remove the weapons and give the floor to the policy, to promote political negotiations at all levels to find a peaceful solution and sustainable.

Italy has become the crossroads of European and international peace and human security in the Mediterranean. This is why Italy should not and must not bomb. To this must change course. Now. 10. Recall again what is written in the Italian Constitution. Art 11: "Italy rejects war as an instrument of aggression against the freedom of other peoples and as a means of settling international disputes" We just have to remember that the Table of Peace has made its voice heard against the corrupt dictators and against all forms of terrorism, where others, too, pretended not to see opportunities not to jeopardize the financial and commercial opportunism and the resulting political and diplomatic.

We would not like that, even in Libya, after Afghanistan and Iraq, a peacekeeping mission from becoming, in silence and without ratification of any kind, and in a true war mission. In those days we took to the streets to defend the core values upon which our constitution, there is no doubt that Article 11 constitutes one of the pillars on which rests the edifice.

Whichever way you think, should be remembered and will do so even within the halls of Parliament.

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