Just arrived in Tunisia, I hear what is said here about the Libyans. The Tunisians are familiar with Qaddafi. If we go back in time, remember that, but for Bourguiba, have been absorbed by Libya. Today, they live under the threat from the dictator of Tripoli, which makes them very aware of things I had overlooked.
The Tunisians with whom I've interviewed knew a week ago that Gadhafi was holding his troops and bringing their tribes without suffering real setbacks. Gaddafi was sure that Europe would not intervene and to have support in the Arab world and especially Africa. Was sure to precipitate his victory or slow its progress to consider a partition (not really interested in Cyrenaica).
The Tunisians are afraid. So held the act of Nicolas Sarkozy, which removes the awkwardness of diplomacy too timid. But why did not expect Sarkozy to other Europeans? In any case, the Tunisians began to breathe easier when they heard a confidence of Alain Juppe, on his return from Cairo, hinted that the Arab League was less hostile than he said to the creation of a no-fly zone.
Curiously, and for them shocking, Algeria seemed only a dim view. For now, at least from the perspective Tunisian, Libya is still in a position to destroy the new image that we had forged the Arab world and even the Arab man. Obviously, I share those concerns, however, do not make me forget that I'm back here to reconnect with my youth, to express my gratitude to relearn hope.
When I met this country in the fifties, the struggle for independence, embodied an exceptional man: Habib Bourguiba. Today, I return to an independent nation, but also enriched by the freedom it has sought the audacity of his youth. This nation has a thousand faces and has none. Is a vacuum filled by all the virtues.
It is therefore impossible to predict anything or be ruled out any hypothesis. I feel close enough to the town to marvel at what he has done and felt unable to do. In fact, the Tunisians have not yet set up their own courage, or rather of his youth, as if absolutely necessary and a certain freshness to declare innocence something that was unbearable for a long time and believe that they could finish the humiliations inflicted by a hated regime.
Undoubtedly, there were exceptional circumstances. Suppose that the young Bouazizi, rather than blow themselves up in Sidi Bouzid, had committed a suicide bombing. It is easy to imagine what they had said. Only have been one more example of the fanaticism of a barbaric legacy that comes from afar, that does not respect the lives of civilians.
Tunisian women with the thought that a similar attack could have imitators, never have been mobilized to arouse the nation, as they have done. Bouazizi's gesture "desfanatizó" martyrdom, copy it again, but not in the sense that they had to imitate it, but in the sense that it was absolutely necessary to prove himself worthy of it.
In the sense that blame those who had molded the despot and kept regretting every day that entailed submission dishonor. Now we are facing an "unstable equilibrium", with all the risks and anxiety that entails. Indeed, the strength of the despot lay in the stability praised everywhere. It was the stability of the order which ensured the cowardly solidarity of the allies, neighbors and European governments.
Stability Goodbye, goodbye to the order. Instead, some powers difficult to replace or to be redistributed according to criteria uncertain, many newspapers and parties too numerous. In their speeches, all intended to interpret the will of the people, and this concern is certainly an achievement irreplaceable.
There are things that no one is allowed, for fear that the people reject them. But there's also trouble Do learn the face of that people to whom they owe everything and remains more or less untraceable, and during the revolt of May '68. However, it seems that, while affirming its authority, a man has found the words of consensus.
Caid Essebsi I mean, the new prime minister, I see him a lot in common with Bourguiba. As its mandate is temporary, has a certain authority and makes it a calculated use. What today's young revolutionaries discovered? The response of the authority is not the insurgency, that insurgency is not the revolution, that revolution is not democracy.
That is, you have to go through various stages before reaching the target. And now, the goal is the Constituent Assembly. This poses many problems. History teaches us that these meetings tend to become legislative bodies. And we also know that the choice of the constituents must be accompanied by the maintenance of a power capable of ensuring order without despot.
Now I want to briefly recall to Tunisia, as conceived by its founder at the time of independence. As Bourguiba had struggled against a party called Vieux neorreligioso Destour, suspicious of the theologians. As its main rival, Salah Ben Youssef, was sympathetic to Nasser, he was afraid to pan-Arabism.
As farmers became fellaghas willingly in, ie in militarized dissidents, while wary of the weaknesses of people and of the danger of the army's power. Bourguiba never forget any of these elements during his reign, which, in essence, was marked by the idea of a people composed mainly of students for which he was a lifelong teacher and irreplaceable.
This teacher refused to see his people grow as he worked to educate and liberate their women. Bourguiba practiced a form of enlightened despotism. What lessons can we draw today? Might expect that after the fall of the tyrant, arises another teacher of democracy, freedom, in this case, certain temptations.
Conclude with some observations on some very simple facts that I have drawn attention in Tunisia. I found that both women of the bourgeoisie and the people are getting involved in a more fervent and radical than ever. The emancipation of which have been benefiting has been a factor for progress in all areas.
It could be that in future, democratic life was driven by women as well as by young people. Stéphane Hessel and I had occasion to speak, in a packed hall on the virtues of democracy and merit that comes with being a fan of this. Four-fifths of participants were young. When I reread the sentences I just wrote, I wonder where all this comes to admiring candor when so recently were installed in the disappointment and indignation.
There is a need to believe, against all reason, and perhaps the violence of the revolutionaries not that we impose it. European intellectuals, from Hegel and Marx, thought that the revolution and violence were inherent, that violence engenders history has even been a renowned communist philosopher who has written that the more dead, more have hope.
What was it that we walked away from utopia, but the barbarism of those intending to practice? That said, I wonder if young Tunisians who have caused this turmoil and have every reason to be proud of it are aware of their responsibilities. The failure of the Tunisian adventure would be disastrous not only for Tunisia, not only for the Maghreb, even to the Arab world, but for the Mediterranean and perhaps especially for our ability to believe in the Rebel. 
The Tunisians with whom I've interviewed knew a week ago that Gadhafi was holding his troops and bringing their tribes without suffering real setbacks. Gaddafi was sure that Europe would not intervene and to have support in the Arab world and especially Africa. Was sure to precipitate his victory or slow its progress to consider a partition (not really interested in Cyrenaica).
The Tunisians are afraid. So held the act of Nicolas Sarkozy, which removes the awkwardness of diplomacy too timid. But why did not expect Sarkozy to other Europeans? In any case, the Tunisians began to breathe easier when they heard a confidence of Alain Juppe, on his return from Cairo, hinted that the Arab League was less hostile than he said to the creation of a no-fly zone.
Curiously, and for them shocking, Algeria seemed only a dim view. For now, at least from the perspective Tunisian, Libya is still in a position to destroy the new image that we had forged the Arab world and even the Arab man. Obviously, I share those concerns, however, do not make me forget that I'm back here to reconnect with my youth, to express my gratitude to relearn hope.
When I met this country in the fifties, the struggle for independence, embodied an exceptional man: Habib Bourguiba. Today, I return to an independent nation, but also enriched by the freedom it has sought the audacity of his youth. This nation has a thousand faces and has none. Is a vacuum filled by all the virtues.
It is therefore impossible to predict anything or be ruled out any hypothesis. I feel close enough to the town to marvel at what he has done and felt unable to do. In fact, the Tunisians have not yet set up their own courage, or rather of his youth, as if absolutely necessary and a certain freshness to declare innocence something that was unbearable for a long time and believe that they could finish the humiliations inflicted by a hated regime.
Undoubtedly, there were exceptional circumstances. Suppose that the young Bouazizi, rather than blow themselves up in Sidi Bouzid, had committed a suicide bombing. It is easy to imagine what they had said. Only have been one more example of the fanaticism of a barbaric legacy that comes from afar, that does not respect the lives of civilians.
Tunisian women with the thought that a similar attack could have imitators, never have been mobilized to arouse the nation, as they have done. Bouazizi's gesture "desfanatizó" martyrdom, copy it again, but not in the sense that they had to imitate it, but in the sense that it was absolutely necessary to prove himself worthy of it.
In the sense that blame those who had molded the despot and kept regretting every day that entailed submission dishonor. Now we are facing an "unstable equilibrium", with all the risks and anxiety that entails. Indeed, the strength of the despot lay in the stability praised everywhere. It was the stability of the order which ensured the cowardly solidarity of the allies, neighbors and European governments.
Stability Goodbye, goodbye to the order. Instead, some powers difficult to replace or to be redistributed according to criteria uncertain, many newspapers and parties too numerous. In their speeches, all intended to interpret the will of the people, and this concern is certainly an achievement irreplaceable.
There are things that no one is allowed, for fear that the people reject them. But there's also trouble Do learn the face of that people to whom they owe everything and remains more or less untraceable, and during the revolt of May '68. However, it seems that, while affirming its authority, a man has found the words of consensus.
Caid Essebsi I mean, the new prime minister, I see him a lot in common with Bourguiba. As its mandate is temporary, has a certain authority and makes it a calculated use. What today's young revolutionaries discovered? The response of the authority is not the insurgency, that insurgency is not the revolution, that revolution is not democracy.
That is, you have to go through various stages before reaching the target. And now, the goal is the Constituent Assembly. This poses many problems. History teaches us that these meetings tend to become legislative bodies. And we also know that the choice of the constituents must be accompanied by the maintenance of a power capable of ensuring order without despot.
Now I want to briefly recall to Tunisia, as conceived by its founder at the time of independence. As Bourguiba had struggled against a party called Vieux neorreligioso Destour, suspicious of the theologians. As its main rival, Salah Ben Youssef, was sympathetic to Nasser, he was afraid to pan-Arabism.
As farmers became fellaghas willingly in, ie in militarized dissidents, while wary of the weaknesses of people and of the danger of the army's power. Bourguiba never forget any of these elements during his reign, which, in essence, was marked by the idea of a people composed mainly of students for which he was a lifelong teacher and irreplaceable.
This teacher refused to see his people grow as he worked to educate and liberate their women. Bourguiba practiced a form of enlightened despotism. What lessons can we draw today? Might expect that after the fall of the tyrant, arises another teacher of democracy, freedom, in this case, certain temptations.
Conclude with some observations on some very simple facts that I have drawn attention in Tunisia. I found that both women of the bourgeoisie and the people are getting involved in a more fervent and radical than ever. The emancipation of which have been benefiting has been a factor for progress in all areas.
It could be that in future, democratic life was driven by women as well as by young people. Stéphane Hessel and I had occasion to speak, in a packed hall on the virtues of democracy and merit that comes with being a fan of this. Four-fifths of participants were young. When I reread the sentences I just wrote, I wonder where all this comes to admiring candor when so recently were installed in the disappointment and indignation.
There is a need to believe, against all reason, and perhaps the violence of the revolutionaries not that we impose it. European intellectuals, from Hegel and Marx, thought that the revolution and violence were inherent, that violence engenders history has even been a renowned communist philosopher who has written that the more dead, more have hope.
What was it that we walked away from utopia, but the barbarism of those intending to practice? That said, I wonder if young Tunisians who have caused this turmoil and have every reason to be proud of it are aware of their responsibilities. The failure of the Tunisian adventure would be disastrous not only for Tunisia, not only for the Maghreb, even to the Arab world, but for the Mediterranean and perhaps especially for our ability to believe in the Rebel.
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