Second factor: the incessant political divisions in Italy. A unitary state of the nineteenth century opposed the Church and the socialists, fascists and anti-fascists from the 1920s to the late 1940s, the anti-communists from 1945 to 1990. For twenty years, and berslusconiens antiberlusconiens tear. Third reason: the historical and cultural disparities.
Piedmont has long been attracted by France, Lombardy and Venetia were under the influence of the Austro-Hungarian, the center of Italy submitted to the Vatican, the south under the rule of the Bourbons. Considering, finally, for many, the antagonism between center and periphery, the constant oscillation between centralization and defense of the "bell" [parochial] dear to Italians.
Italy is diverse, but the Italians never seemed so close. By language: the linguistic unification back - just - to the second world war. By geographical proximity related to the development of modern transport. By the media - the Italians watching all (or almost), although it may think, the same television, and listen to virtually all the same radio.
By comparison to other countries, is open and gaze fixed on the susceptibility of the other on the peninsula. We are witnessing the rise of a national sensibility. A pride of being Italian, expressed elsewhere - and otherwise - as in football stadiums, even if I caricature a bit. In November 2003, when a bombing in Nasiriya, southern Iraq, endorsed the Italian contingent, an unprecedented wave of emotion passed through the country.
The entire nation was immobilized as the return of coffins. Polls show that Italians are increasingly proud of being Italian. But it is a sensitivity most often devoid of political value, rather pride linked to the heritage, culture, lifestyle ... Italy is faced with two relatively new.
The influence of the Northern League First, threatening national cohesion. Until the 1990s, the party founded by Umberto Bossi spoke of secession, now is it is a question of federalism, the risk of aggravating the inequalities between North and South. Including fiscal federalism, which would bring the South to dig a little deeper into poverty.
This challenge to national unity by the Northern League is part of a process found in other European countries. Italy is not an anomaly. Second item: the "shock" of migration. On a very short period - the last two years - between 3 million and 4 million people have immigrated to the country.
Reactions were more mixed than we think: xenophobia, racism, but also integration. The question arises of Italian in terms renewed. What is Italy? What makes it is an Italian? And what is the role of the Catholic religion in a country becoming "multireligion? The unity of Italy is it only doable? The answers, tracks progress is quite low.
They come partly from the Church. A fringe repeat the cement of the nation is and must remain Catholicism. Another calls for ecumenical dialogue, calling for openness to other religions. The other proposals came from the presidents of the Republic Giorgio Napolitano and CarloAzeglio Ciampi: both attempted to give a political meaning to the Italian nation, a democratic, republican, open.
What the philosopher and sociologist Jürgen Habermas, Germany, theorized as the "constitutional patriotism" be proud of its Constitution. But these attempts to redefine citizenship policy have not always been relayed by the parties. It remains today a situation of uncertainty and doubt of public opinion.
Interview by Mattea Battaglia 
Piedmont has long been attracted by France, Lombardy and Venetia were under the influence of the Austro-Hungarian, the center of Italy submitted to the Vatican, the south under the rule of the Bourbons. Considering, finally, for many, the antagonism between center and periphery, the constant oscillation between centralization and defense of the "bell" [parochial] dear to Italians.
Italy is diverse, but the Italians never seemed so close. By language: the linguistic unification back - just - to the second world war. By geographical proximity related to the development of modern transport. By the media - the Italians watching all (or almost), although it may think, the same television, and listen to virtually all the same radio.
By comparison to other countries, is open and gaze fixed on the susceptibility of the other on the peninsula. We are witnessing the rise of a national sensibility. A pride of being Italian, expressed elsewhere - and otherwise - as in football stadiums, even if I caricature a bit. In November 2003, when a bombing in Nasiriya, southern Iraq, endorsed the Italian contingent, an unprecedented wave of emotion passed through the country.
The entire nation was immobilized as the return of coffins. Polls show that Italians are increasingly proud of being Italian. But it is a sensitivity most often devoid of political value, rather pride linked to the heritage, culture, lifestyle ... Italy is faced with two relatively new.
The influence of the Northern League First, threatening national cohesion. Until the 1990s, the party founded by Umberto Bossi spoke of secession, now is it is a question of federalism, the risk of aggravating the inequalities between North and South. Including fiscal federalism, which would bring the South to dig a little deeper into poverty.
This challenge to national unity by the Northern League is part of a process found in other European countries. Italy is not an anomaly. Second item: the "shock" of migration. On a very short period - the last two years - between 3 million and 4 million people have immigrated to the country.
Reactions were more mixed than we think: xenophobia, racism, but also integration. The question arises of Italian in terms renewed. What is Italy? What makes it is an Italian? And what is the role of the Catholic religion in a country becoming "multireligion? The unity of Italy is it only doable? The answers, tracks progress is quite low.
They come partly from the Church. A fringe repeat the cement of the nation is and must remain Catholicism. Another calls for ecumenical dialogue, calling for openness to other religions. The other proposals came from the presidents of the Republic Giorgio Napolitano and CarloAzeglio Ciampi: both attempted to give a political meaning to the Italian nation, a democratic, republican, open.
What the philosopher and sociologist Jürgen Habermas, Germany, theorized as the "constitutional patriotism" be proud of its Constitution. But these attempts to redefine citizenship policy have not always been relayed by the parties. It remains today a situation of uncertainty and doubt of public opinion.
Interview by Mattea Battaglia
No comments:
Post a Comment