The AKP has embraced economic liberalism, he supported the accession to the EU, while Turkish Islamist parties opposed it. In this sense we can say that it is a party "post-Islamist". There are three million Turks in Germany, is an electorate that the AKP should take into account. But I'm not sure that the German model is an argument for Turks living in Germany.
It seems that indeed the model that seeks to promote the AKP is a cocktail of religious conservatism and economic liberalism. But the comparison stops there. Today, since the last legislative elections, the authoritarian tendencies of the Prime Minister took over, and the Kemalist opposition began its renovation.
Suddenly, there was a return of his electorate. Erdogan, a few years ago promised to remove the threshold of 10%. During this campaign, he no longer discussed. It is not certain that this reform to succeed. Reforming the Constitution, in the spirit of the party in power is mainly institutional reform.
Its leader has already said he favored a presidential system - a presidential system with American or French. The BOP pro-Kurdish party (Party for Peace and Democracy) calls for political autonomy for the Kurdish regions. Faced with these claims, yet the government failed to offer much more than military operations and political repression and military life.
To circumvent the electoral threshold of 10%, Kurdish candidates do not come under the label of their party, but independents. Once they are elected to Parliament, they can come together and form a parliamentary group. So there should be a thirty Kurdish deputies after the elections, for a total of five hundred fifty members.
Are there any products distributed to voters? This time, I do not know, but it was done in the past. The AKP is campaigning patronage, so never hesitate to use this type of electoral practice. To answer your question on the rural, since the AKP came to power, Turkey has transformed rural people migrate en masse to the cities today.
About 25% of the population still lives on agriculture. A sector that benefits from the economic upturn. Even if there are problems with European standards, Turkey exports many agricultural products, including citrus fruits, tomatoes, etc.. In Poland, it is true that the eastern part of Europe, which is geographically closer to Turkey, is much more aware of the economic and strategic importance of Turkey.
There is a rivalry with the president, which is difficult to conceal for the Prime Minister. Initially, the two men created the party together, forming a duo quite balanced. Erdogan was the "blood", and Abdullah Gul moderator. But since Mr. Gul became President of the Republic, in 2007, the rivalry has widened more and more between the two men.
On the issue of polygamy, an activist of the AKP has made recent statements in support of polygamy, causing a minor scandal. But it's still fairly marginal. There is also a big problem with freedom of the press. Sixty journalists are in prison, which made Turkey the champion in the field, followed by China and Iran.
As for ethnic and religious minorities, they are as far from the AKP. The AKP regularly criticizes the "Christian club". Thence to claim to be Muslim against Christians ... This would exclude themselves from making Europe. The Gülen movement is indeed a very powerful lobby, which supports the AKP its weight - the unit, not the head.
The members of the Brotherhood are the main opposition to the autocracy of Erdogan. So, it is from them that can come a possible break between the AKP and Erdogan relatives of most reformers. But in terms of domestic politics, she returned to the ranks. She no longer has the institutional means to overthrow governments or threaten them, as was still the case in 2007 and 2008.
Ankara is trying to establish itself as a player, for example by encouraging dialogue between Fatah and Hamas to resolve the Palestinian problem. But actually, the "generation of Tahrir, the Arab youth in revolt, observes with a critical distance the ascent of Turkey. Young Egyptians Tahrir Square, which this week in Turkey to observe the election are well aware of the potential authoritarian Erdogan.
It seems that indeed the model that seeks to promote the AKP is a cocktail of religious conservatism and economic liberalism. But the comparison stops there. Today, since the last legislative elections, the authoritarian tendencies of the Prime Minister took over, and the Kemalist opposition began its renovation.
Suddenly, there was a return of his electorate. Erdogan, a few years ago promised to remove the threshold of 10%. During this campaign, he no longer discussed. It is not certain that this reform to succeed. Reforming the Constitution, in the spirit of the party in power is mainly institutional reform.
Its leader has already said he favored a presidential system - a presidential system with American or French. The BOP pro-Kurdish party (Party for Peace and Democracy) calls for political autonomy for the Kurdish regions. Faced with these claims, yet the government failed to offer much more than military operations and political repression and military life.
To circumvent the electoral threshold of 10%, Kurdish candidates do not come under the label of their party, but independents. Once they are elected to Parliament, they can come together and form a parliamentary group. So there should be a thirty Kurdish deputies after the elections, for a total of five hundred fifty members.
Are there any products distributed to voters? This time, I do not know, but it was done in the past. The AKP is campaigning patronage, so never hesitate to use this type of electoral practice. To answer your question on the rural, since the AKP came to power, Turkey has transformed rural people migrate en masse to the cities today.
About 25% of the population still lives on agriculture. A sector that benefits from the economic upturn. Even if there are problems with European standards, Turkey exports many agricultural products, including citrus fruits, tomatoes, etc.. In Poland, it is true that the eastern part of Europe, which is geographically closer to Turkey, is much more aware of the economic and strategic importance of Turkey.
There is a rivalry with the president, which is difficult to conceal for the Prime Minister. Initially, the two men created the party together, forming a duo quite balanced. Erdogan was the "blood", and Abdullah Gul moderator. But since Mr. Gul became President of the Republic, in 2007, the rivalry has widened more and more between the two men.
On the issue of polygamy, an activist of the AKP has made recent statements in support of polygamy, causing a minor scandal. But it's still fairly marginal. There is also a big problem with freedom of the press. Sixty journalists are in prison, which made Turkey the champion in the field, followed by China and Iran.
As for ethnic and religious minorities, they are as far from the AKP. The AKP regularly criticizes the "Christian club". Thence to claim to be Muslim against Christians ... This would exclude themselves from making Europe. The Gülen movement is indeed a very powerful lobby, which supports the AKP its weight - the unit, not the head.
The members of the Brotherhood are the main opposition to the autocracy of Erdogan. So, it is from them that can come a possible break between the AKP and Erdogan relatives of most reformers. But in terms of domestic politics, she returned to the ranks. She no longer has the institutional means to overthrow governments or threaten them, as was still the case in 2007 and 2008.
Ankara is trying to establish itself as a player, for example by encouraging dialogue between Fatah and Hamas to resolve the Palestinian problem. But actually, the "generation of Tahrir, the Arab youth in revolt, observes with a critical distance the ascent of Turkey. Young Egyptians Tahrir Square, which this week in Turkey to observe the election are well aware of the potential authoritarian Erdogan.
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