Prince Moulay Hicham, 46, third in line of succession to the throne of Morocco, believes in a telephone interview from Paris, the swell that runs south of the Mediterranean come to your country. Author of scholarly articles on the Arab world, the prince has a strained relationship with his cousin, King Mohamed VI.
Question. Is it 2011 for the Arab world that was 1989 for communism? Response. The course of history and changed with the fall of the regime of Ben Ali, whatever the outcome of the Egyptian crisis. The old regime may no longer be maintained as is. The verb "change" is conjugated in the present tense, not future.
The wall of fear which prevented any popular uprising, erected at the head of every citizen, fell apart. That opens the way for democratic protest movements. Indeed, the crisis experienced by authoritarian powers could be guessed in a while. Until recently was seen through a deep malaise.
The novelty is popular these eruptions, which show a groundswell of discontent in the region. P. The Tunisian and Egyptian revolutions are not related to previous experiences. R. They are a break with previous schemes inspired the Arabs protest movements for more than two decades. The Arab-Israeli conflict is no longer in the heart of the new democratic movements.
Radical Islam does not inspire them. The founding act of the revolution jasmine in Tunisia was the sacrifice of a young graduate, which had no religious character. New movements are no longer marked by the anti-imperialism, anti-colonialism or anti-secular. The manifestations of Tunis or Cairo without any religious symbolism.
And reject the thesis of the Arab exception. They represent a generation gap. In addition, new technologies encourage these movements. Offer a new face of civil society in which the rejection of authoritarianism is coupled with the corruption. These movements are both nationalist and anti-authoritarian.
Are pan-Arabist but with a new approach that turns its back on anti-democratic version of that ideology that once prevailed. P. What lessons should get the Maghreb and, specifically, what happened in Morocco, Tunisia? R. Morocco has not yet been reached, but make no mistake: almost all authoritarian systems will be affected by the wave of protests.
Morocco is probably not an exception. Remains to be seen whether the reply will only be too political or social, and political parties, encouraged by recent developments, will be encouraged. Better to err on the safe and open practice before it reaches the wave of protests, not later. This will provide room for maneuver.
The shots, however, do not go there. The dynamics of political liberalization that began in the late nineties is nearly exhausted. Revitalize the Moroccan political life in the regional context, avoiding radicalism will be a great challenge. P. It seems Morocco to Tunisia? R. Morocco enjoys a greater degree of social mediation between political power and the people.
However, this mediation is widely discredited. Evidenced by the very low participation in elections. There are other important differences with Tunisia. The population of Morocco is more varied, its anchorage in the oldest history and social differences more pronounced. The gap between social classes undermines the legitimacy of political and economic system.
The multiple forms of patronage in the State apparatus threaten their survival. If the majority of social actors recognize the monarchy, are, however, unhappy with the strong concentration of power in the hands of the Executive. New social movements in Tunisia, Yemen, Jordan, Algeria and Egypt put the dignity of the citizen at the heart of politics.
The extent of royal power since independence is incompatible with the fundamental dimension which claims the city. Thus, whatever the human qualities of the individual, even if this is an enlightened king. P. You are a careful observer of the Arab world. Have you been asked any advice in Rabat? R.
No one formally or informally, has asked me my opinion. The country has too many intellectual and political resources. I also want to preserve my intellectual autonomy. I have also my obligations under several international institutions. P. Do you have anything to fear Europe for what happens in the Southern Mediterranean? R.
Neither Europe nor the West in general are crucial. The protests have been taken by surprise to those regimes pampered by the West, especially by France in North Africa. This is the first time since the colonial era to the Arab world to achieve self-determined democracy through street demonstrations without the backing of the West.
Europe must wake up, stop supporting dictatorships and supporting non-viable fund movements that aspire to a change plural. We must end the Manichean dichotomy that is frightening to Islam and to preserve the status quo. In the new social movements, religion plays no role. It is a rather secularized generation that call for freedom and dignity to regimes that violate human rights.
That does not mean that political Islam does not play a role in the future of these societies in the process of democratization. Be one factor among others, the political chessboard. The main problem of these movements is not Islam, but the absence of political leadership.
Question. Is it 2011 for the Arab world that was 1989 for communism? Response. The course of history and changed with the fall of the regime of Ben Ali, whatever the outcome of the Egyptian crisis. The old regime may no longer be maintained as is. The verb "change" is conjugated in the present tense, not future.
The wall of fear which prevented any popular uprising, erected at the head of every citizen, fell apart. That opens the way for democratic protest movements. Indeed, the crisis experienced by authoritarian powers could be guessed in a while. Until recently was seen through a deep malaise.
The novelty is popular these eruptions, which show a groundswell of discontent in the region. P. The Tunisian and Egyptian revolutions are not related to previous experiences. R. They are a break with previous schemes inspired the Arabs protest movements for more than two decades. The Arab-Israeli conflict is no longer in the heart of the new democratic movements.
Radical Islam does not inspire them. The founding act of the revolution jasmine in Tunisia was the sacrifice of a young graduate, which had no religious character. New movements are no longer marked by the anti-imperialism, anti-colonialism or anti-secular. The manifestations of Tunis or Cairo without any religious symbolism.
And reject the thesis of the Arab exception. They represent a generation gap. In addition, new technologies encourage these movements. Offer a new face of civil society in which the rejection of authoritarianism is coupled with the corruption. These movements are both nationalist and anti-authoritarian.
Are pan-Arabist but with a new approach that turns its back on anti-democratic version of that ideology that once prevailed. P. What lessons should get the Maghreb and, specifically, what happened in Morocco, Tunisia? R. Morocco has not yet been reached, but make no mistake: almost all authoritarian systems will be affected by the wave of protests.
Morocco is probably not an exception. Remains to be seen whether the reply will only be too political or social, and political parties, encouraged by recent developments, will be encouraged. Better to err on the safe and open practice before it reaches the wave of protests, not later. This will provide room for maneuver.
The shots, however, do not go there. The dynamics of political liberalization that began in the late nineties is nearly exhausted. Revitalize the Moroccan political life in the regional context, avoiding radicalism will be a great challenge. P. It seems Morocco to Tunisia? R. Morocco enjoys a greater degree of social mediation between political power and the people.
However, this mediation is widely discredited. Evidenced by the very low participation in elections. There are other important differences with Tunisia. The population of Morocco is more varied, its anchorage in the oldest history and social differences more pronounced. The gap between social classes undermines the legitimacy of political and economic system.
The multiple forms of patronage in the State apparatus threaten their survival. If the majority of social actors recognize the monarchy, are, however, unhappy with the strong concentration of power in the hands of the Executive. New social movements in Tunisia, Yemen, Jordan, Algeria and Egypt put the dignity of the citizen at the heart of politics.
The extent of royal power since independence is incompatible with the fundamental dimension which claims the city. Thus, whatever the human qualities of the individual, even if this is an enlightened king. P. You are a careful observer of the Arab world. Have you been asked any advice in Rabat? R.
No one formally or informally, has asked me my opinion. The country has too many intellectual and political resources. I also want to preserve my intellectual autonomy. I have also my obligations under several international institutions. P. Do you have anything to fear Europe for what happens in the Southern Mediterranean? R.
Neither Europe nor the West in general are crucial. The protests have been taken by surprise to those regimes pampered by the West, especially by France in North Africa. This is the first time since the colonial era to the Arab world to achieve self-determined democracy through street demonstrations without the backing of the West.
Europe must wake up, stop supporting dictatorships and supporting non-viable fund movements that aspire to a change plural. We must end the Manichean dichotomy that is frightening to Islam and to preserve the status quo. In the new social movements, religion plays no role. It is a rather secularized generation that call for freedom and dignity to regimes that violate human rights.
That does not mean that political Islam does not play a role in the future of these societies in the process of democratization. Be one factor among others, the political chessboard. The main problem of these movements is not Islam, but the absence of political leadership.
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