The Muslim Brotherhood leader premiered, the eighth in its history, little more than a year, in January 2010. Mohamed Badie, 67, is now a key figure in the Egyptian opposition, but then for the American Embassy in Cairo, was "a relatively unknown administration," said a secret cable dedicated to his election as supreme leader.
" Account of this telegram is Professor of Veterinary Medicine, your choice "is a generational change [...] because it is the first leader who did not know in person to the movement's founder, Hassan al Banna," and as one source of embassy, therefore, without the added legitimacy that meant, that in 1965 he was convicted, along with Sayyid Qutb (the main ideologue of the organization), as a member of a paramilitary group accused of trying to assassinate President [Gamal Abdel] Nasser and overthrow the regime.
" He was released by President Anwar Sadat in 1974, after "the Muslim Brotherhood decided to renounce violence." He returned to prison in 1999 after being convicted by a military court to five years for illegal association. "Under [the direction] of Badie we may see an increasing secrecy and internal control.
Because their restoring the public image of the Muslim Brothers, often seen as the opposition movement able to rise above internal power games "promised the ambassador in Egypt, Margaret Scobey. One of the informants considered Badie legation as someone connected to an influential conservative leader, another source is portrayed as a "moderate" affable able to communicate well, which will "help heal the apparent rift between the [sector] reform and conservative.
" Badie's election culminated a process that raised blisters inside (due to disagreements on priorities and rhythms, not ideological) in the group, illegal but tolerated in Egypt. It seems that won the pulse-called conservatives, who think a 20 year horizon, supporters of focusing on group cohesion and social work, economic and religious.
And lost the so-called reformers (with the mind set in the years immediately), defenders focus more on policy. All share the goal of making "social reforms and economic policies based on the principles of Islam." The U.S. secret cables provided by Wikileaks to El Pais and other international media can glimpse other intricacies of the movement.
In his first public appearance, Badie called "free and fair elections," he told the regime that the brothers "are not an enemy" and stressed that maintain their dual strategy: doing politics in parallel with social and religious work. The cables that analyze this group suggest that U.S.
diplomats have no internal sources, for information collected through third parties, by people close to the movement, academia, local press or the official website of the English Brothers. A telegram of 2001, after the 11-S, explains that the Muslim Brotherhood members are reluctant to talk with members of the embassy on the group.
The reasons are summarized in two: the international Islamic organization, founded in 1928 in Egypt, have public faces, but meetings of its leaders and its deliberations are secret and its operation secret. And the Mubarak regime has tolerated them but have been plagued with arrests and prison.
Some observers attribute the conservative shift to government pressure, since before the fall 2010 parliamentary arrests have been concentrated in the militant reformers.
" Account of this telegram is Professor of Veterinary Medicine, your choice "is a generational change [...] because it is the first leader who did not know in person to the movement's founder, Hassan al Banna," and as one source of embassy, therefore, without the added legitimacy that meant, that in 1965 he was convicted, along with Sayyid Qutb (the main ideologue of the organization), as a member of a paramilitary group accused of trying to assassinate President [Gamal Abdel] Nasser and overthrow the regime.
" He was released by President Anwar Sadat in 1974, after "the Muslim Brotherhood decided to renounce violence." He returned to prison in 1999 after being convicted by a military court to five years for illegal association. "Under [the direction] of Badie we may see an increasing secrecy and internal control.
Because their restoring the public image of the Muslim Brothers, often seen as the opposition movement able to rise above internal power games "promised the ambassador in Egypt, Margaret Scobey. One of the informants considered Badie legation as someone connected to an influential conservative leader, another source is portrayed as a "moderate" affable able to communicate well, which will "help heal the apparent rift between the [sector] reform and conservative.
" Badie's election culminated a process that raised blisters inside (due to disagreements on priorities and rhythms, not ideological) in the group, illegal but tolerated in Egypt. It seems that won the pulse-called conservatives, who think a 20 year horizon, supporters of focusing on group cohesion and social work, economic and religious.
And lost the so-called reformers (with the mind set in the years immediately), defenders focus more on policy. All share the goal of making "social reforms and economic policies based on the principles of Islam." The U.S. secret cables provided by Wikileaks to El Pais and other international media can glimpse other intricacies of the movement.
In his first public appearance, Badie called "free and fair elections," he told the regime that the brothers "are not an enemy" and stressed that maintain their dual strategy: doing politics in parallel with social and religious work. The cables that analyze this group suggest that U.S.
diplomats have no internal sources, for information collected through third parties, by people close to the movement, academia, local press or the official website of the English Brothers. A telegram of 2001, after the 11-S, explains that the Muslim Brotherhood members are reluctant to talk with members of the embassy on the group.
The reasons are summarized in two: the international Islamic organization, founded in 1928 in Egypt, have public faces, but meetings of its leaders and its deliberations are secret and its operation secret. And the Mubarak regime has tolerated them but have been plagued with arrests and prison.
Some observers attribute the conservative shift to government pressure, since before the fall 2010 parliamentary arrests have been concentrated in the militant reformers.
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