erJust in time for lunch is the "day of anger" in Yemen's capital Sanaa end. The tens of thousands of demonstrators, angry rush just yet, but had the peaceful removal of the incumbent for 32 years, President Ali Abdullah Saleh called for by the clogged streets to home. The cries of "Down with Ali!" silent.
The counter-demonstration organized by the government on the central Tahrir Square is dissolving. Young and old and it's now cosiness on thick cushions on the floor and begins to stuff Qatblätter in the jaws. The afternoon is also in these times of mild drug revolution takes a break. want unrest and violence like no one in Egypt.
This rest is of the broad alliance of opposition parties that called for the protest, that's right. Neither the Socialists nor the tribes influenced by Islam and Islah party can show a majority of eligible candidates for the presidential palace. For too long, Salih is in power, is too fragmented political landscape.
Between the socialists, who once got rid of the headscarf in the former People's Republic of South Yemen, and the sheikhs of the Islamic Islah are worlds apart. In the three decades in office Salih has power and money divided among sons, cousins, nephews and faithful. His enemies, the Field Marshall so ably played against each other or to be bound, that he no longer could be dangerous.
Hardly anyone will therefore make a second Sanaa Tunis. Rather than with Egypt or Tunisia, Yemen in recent years has been compared with Afghanistan and Somalia, so great is the fear of disintegration. For years, people go to Aden to the streets and demand the elimination of the central government in Sanaa.
Al-Qaeda fighters have Salih, told a U.S. ally in the fight against terrorism, the war. And in the northern border with Saudi Arabia five years long raged a bloody civil war with Shiite rebels. The vacuum that could result in a withdrawal now would Salih, Somalisierung accelerate even further.
"The opposition fears a fall of the regime", the human rights activist Khaled al-Anesi convinced. "She's afraid of the militants from al-Qaeda, the tribes and all the weapons here." The prominent lawyer is among those who had been arrested for insubordination criticism of the President in recent weeks.
The wave of arrests that accompanied the coup in Tunisia was one of the triggers for the recent mass protests. Another was the suggestion Salih, secure the option for another presidency. Given the growing number of protesters, the 68-year-old pulled the emergency brake on Wednesday: He had to stop a constitutional amendment and assured, not in the next elections in 2013 will compete again.
Also, his son Ahmed, he will not make the successor, insisted the head of state. However, neither the opposition nor do the people on the streets to be satisfied with these promises, more than once turned out to be a liar Salih. He had to shoot at demonstrators sharply even before the last election in 2006 had announced Salih, not wanting to compete again - to have to ask then by his followers.
After staged demonstrations of popular will, he declared himself ready to bid again. "In the past, Salih has broken his word, but now the rules have changed," says the opposition close political advisor Abdul Ghani al-Iryani. "Now he can not go back." When Salih let deeds follow its announcements, the honest dialogue with the opposition seeking reforms and initiate fast-acting, then he could save his skin.
"The president has the opportunity to initiate an orderly transfer of power", is convinced Iryani. "He could go down in history books." As proof that it was serious about it Salih announced reforms, called on the leaders of the opposition coalition the President to end the dominance of his clan at the security forces and army.
The question is whether those in power still has the power to reform - and the will. With his adversaries Saleh was never about squeamish: In the civil war against the Shiite rebels, thousands were killed, including at the demonstrators in Aden Salih was sharp shooting. Here are recipes for peace to the troubled country for years on the table: resolute action against mismanagement and corruption, more power to the provinces, the fight against poverty instead of against unpopular journalist.
But many more seemed to Salih's regime so far interested in their own in power. Less than two dollars a day could lower the pressure of the road are changing that now. With its announced withdrawal and a renewed offer of talks to the opposition Salih has a certain freedom of action created.
Much time it will not. One in two Yemeni lives on less than two dollars a day, as many can not read or write. The peasants in remote mountain villages, the supply itself comes from groundwater, and even the meager supplies of crude oil should only last a few years. Million young people have no perspective.
Fundamentalists take advantage of the growing poverty of sent to woo recruits for international terrorism. "Yemen, Tunisia is not evolving," Salih immediately after the escape of dictator of Tunisia Ben Ali in an address to military personnel in Sanaa. In this one point even agrees with the Ahmed retired he so hated the president.
The 75-year-old city resident has experienced the Imam, who ruled until the military coup in 1962, North Yemen. The Islamic leader was still personally care about the concerns of its citizens, remembers Ahmed. "Maybe we need a revolution like the Tunisians," he says. "But we do not get out - not until we Qat is more important than politics."
The counter-demonstration organized by the government on the central Tahrir Square is dissolving. Young and old and it's now cosiness on thick cushions on the floor and begins to stuff Qatblätter in the jaws. The afternoon is also in these times of mild drug revolution takes a break. want unrest and violence like no one in Egypt.
This rest is of the broad alliance of opposition parties that called for the protest, that's right. Neither the Socialists nor the tribes influenced by Islam and Islah party can show a majority of eligible candidates for the presidential palace. For too long, Salih is in power, is too fragmented political landscape.
Between the socialists, who once got rid of the headscarf in the former People's Republic of South Yemen, and the sheikhs of the Islamic Islah are worlds apart. In the three decades in office Salih has power and money divided among sons, cousins, nephews and faithful. His enemies, the Field Marshall so ably played against each other or to be bound, that he no longer could be dangerous.
Hardly anyone will therefore make a second Sanaa Tunis. Rather than with Egypt or Tunisia, Yemen in recent years has been compared with Afghanistan and Somalia, so great is the fear of disintegration. For years, people go to Aden to the streets and demand the elimination of the central government in Sanaa.
Al-Qaeda fighters have Salih, told a U.S. ally in the fight against terrorism, the war. And in the northern border with Saudi Arabia five years long raged a bloody civil war with Shiite rebels. The vacuum that could result in a withdrawal now would Salih, Somalisierung accelerate even further.
"The opposition fears a fall of the regime", the human rights activist Khaled al-Anesi convinced. "She's afraid of the militants from al-Qaeda, the tribes and all the weapons here." The prominent lawyer is among those who had been arrested for insubordination criticism of the President in recent weeks.
The wave of arrests that accompanied the coup in Tunisia was one of the triggers for the recent mass protests. Another was the suggestion Salih, secure the option for another presidency. Given the growing number of protesters, the 68-year-old pulled the emergency brake on Wednesday: He had to stop a constitutional amendment and assured, not in the next elections in 2013 will compete again.
Also, his son Ahmed, he will not make the successor, insisted the head of state. However, neither the opposition nor do the people on the streets to be satisfied with these promises, more than once turned out to be a liar Salih. He had to shoot at demonstrators sharply even before the last election in 2006 had announced Salih, not wanting to compete again - to have to ask then by his followers.
After staged demonstrations of popular will, he declared himself ready to bid again. "In the past, Salih has broken his word, but now the rules have changed," says the opposition close political advisor Abdul Ghani al-Iryani. "Now he can not go back." When Salih let deeds follow its announcements, the honest dialogue with the opposition seeking reforms and initiate fast-acting, then he could save his skin.
"The president has the opportunity to initiate an orderly transfer of power", is convinced Iryani. "He could go down in history books." As proof that it was serious about it Salih announced reforms, called on the leaders of the opposition coalition the President to end the dominance of his clan at the security forces and army.
The question is whether those in power still has the power to reform - and the will. With his adversaries Saleh was never about squeamish: In the civil war against the Shiite rebels, thousands were killed, including at the demonstrators in Aden Salih was sharp shooting. Here are recipes for peace to the troubled country for years on the table: resolute action against mismanagement and corruption, more power to the provinces, the fight against poverty instead of against unpopular journalist.
But many more seemed to Salih's regime so far interested in their own in power. Less than two dollars a day could lower the pressure of the road are changing that now. With its announced withdrawal and a renewed offer of talks to the opposition Salih has a certain freedom of action created.
Much time it will not. One in two Yemeni lives on less than two dollars a day, as many can not read or write. The peasants in remote mountain villages, the supply itself comes from groundwater, and even the meager supplies of crude oil should only last a few years. Million young people have no perspective.
Fundamentalists take advantage of the growing poverty of sent to woo recruits for international terrorism. "Yemen, Tunisia is not evolving," Salih immediately after the escape of dictator of Tunisia Ben Ali in an address to military personnel in Sanaa. In this one point even agrees with the Ahmed retired he so hated the president.
The 75-year-old city resident has experienced the Imam, who ruled until the military coup in 1962, North Yemen. The Islamic leader was still personally care about the concerns of its citizens, remembers Ahmed. "Maybe we need a revolution like the Tunisians," he says. "But we do not get out - not until we Qat is more important than politics."
- Yemen demonstrators rally for, against government (04/02/2011)
- Ravens were concerned about Zorn becoming "insubordinate" (28/01/2011)
- Elizabeth L. Sturz, Salvaged Troubled Lives, Dies at 93 (22/10/2010)
- Ravens let go of Jim Zorn (27/01/2011)
- Ravens' Flacco 'not happy' about firing of QBs coach Zorn (30/01/2011)
No comments:
Post a Comment