Why call it "revolution" to the recent events in the Arab world? The same day of the fall of autocratic Tunisian Ben Ali, on 14 January, numerous journalists, Arab and foreign policy experts began using the term revolution for what happened in the small North African country. Why? Because, as written today PAÍSel inthe French philosopher Andre Glucksmann, "a popular uprising that ends with a despotic regime is called revolution." A rise in the price of this or that basic good, an unpopular government measure or a controversial court decision may give rise to "protest" here or there.
But when these "protests" do not stop nor repression or any grant of power, demanding their immediate fall and his replacement by a new political order, we must speak of "revolution." Especially when it succeeds. The Tunisian case has been called a "jasmine revolution." The Tunisians have paid a heavy price in blood to overthrow Ben Ali, but his struggle and his victory immediately inspired the most informed and militant Egyptian urban youth.
His fire has been kindled in the Nile Valley Can there be "revolution without a party and leader that lead? Edwy Plenel in Mediapart, given on February 2, an excellent answer to this question: "What is unpredictable is, precisely, their first under: bankruptcy what seemed unbreakable, waving what seemed motionless, destabilizes what seemed unchangeable.
And this is what history calls a revolution because it can not be foreseen or controlled, but because it comes without warning and invents its own way, without program, pre party or leader. A true revolution is a coup de force of some self-proclaimed vanguard: develops and invents a bet Pascalian mode, without other security than hope.
" Rather than organizations or leaders, a revolution has to do with ideas, is the embodiment in a popular movement of certain ideas. The French know this: the republic is the granddaughter of the 1789 revolution and its ideas of liberty, fraternity and equality. So the Arabist r Laurens, in the latest edition of Le Nouvel Observateur (3 February 2011), recalled: "Revolutions create their own pictures.
Those who destroyed the Bastille unaware they were triggering the French Revolution." And Glucksmann hosts events in Tunisia and Egypt with the "sympathy" bordering on "enthusiasm" with which Kant accepted the French Revolution. Why classify as "democratic"? Both Tunisia and Egypt, demonstrators made it clear from the minute we were fighting for freedom, dignity and justice, by the substitution in their countries from autocracy to democracy.
The Arab peoples take their Bastille, titled Rosa Meneses its analysis in El Mundo on 7 February. And subtitled: "The riots in Tunisia and Egypt drink of the French Revolution, not the Iranians." "These companies (North African) have been shown to be closer to us than we thought," he writes.
"They have our own desires, seeking to find a place in the world, to have opportunities to earn a living, to care for their families to be free ... written as a reason Sudanese Tayeb Salih," are exactly like us. " And in this sense, have given us a lesson. " "Tehran 1979 or Berlin 1989? So called today (8 February 2011) Roger Co his column in the International Herald Tribune.
Co writes: "Is this a broad uprising against the dictatorship which aims for freedom and democracy might be usurped by organized Islamist? Or is the end of the Arab Jurassic Park where, from Yemen to Tunisia, aged despots have ruled, and beginning of a flourishing democracy to change the world as we changed the Soviet empire collapsed? If the latter, as I believe, is crucial to understand it properly.
" Co says it is a determined attitude of the United States and the European Union in favor of democratic change, such as that adopted in the collapse of the Soviet empire, may decide that the balance falls on the side of 1989. Frightened passivity play in reverse. Timothy Garton Ash put it this way on Monday, February 7 in the country: "The future of Europe is at stake this week in Tahrir Square in Cairo, as it was in the Wenceslas Square in Prague in 1989." A revolution can fail, of course.
Even in the case of success can be oriented in either direction not only in terms of domestic circumstances but also external forces. Should the Islamists fear condition the Western attitude? The Islamists have played no role in causing the riots Tunisian and Egyptian. In the latter case, the initial role would be to give it to groups of young Democrats active in social networks as "Kefaya (Enough)," Khaled Said "and" April 6.
" Now, what may end up capitalized? Not necessarily. Feb. 7 Xavier Antich wrote in La Vanguardia: "These days have reappeared colonial tics common in these parts. Hear how to praise the desire for freedom and the couple how to express the fear of what will happen next, that fear is always given a name, "Islamic fundamentalism", not knowing, even remotely, that weight, whatever it is, has the population of Egypt.
"Denying the possibility of getting Arabs to democracy just because it is possible to win the Islamists, as pointed Antich, a colonial attitude. On the contrary, the West should assuming without further troubles the possibility that in some Arab countries, Islamist parties opposed to violence and respect the democratic framework to obtain electoral success.
Plenel What explains: "Why, in the democratic transition in the Arab world can not be a place for political families who claim the dominant religion, as was the case, and remains, the Christian Democrats in Europe? ". He continues teaching:" In the early 1980's. Was there that want the repression of Solidarity in Poland because large Catholic ceremonies were held under its aegis in the shipyards of Gdansk? Should we wish to maintain the Soviet domination of Eastern Europe because its collapse threatened to release conservative and reactionary forces and religious, as was the case? "Is Turkey the model could follow the Arab revolution? Speaking to Le Monde (8 February 2001), Ghassan Salame, a political scientist and former Lebanese Minister of Culture, believes the time when contemporary Turkey began to attract attention in the Arab world was when, in January 2009, in full Israeli military offensive against Gaza , prime minister Erdogan gave a roundtable at Davos angry about the justifications for violence that was taking Shimon Peres.
"The highway to the heart of the Arabs is an empathetic attitude, solidarity with the Palestinians," he says. Thereafter The Arabs became interested in the Turkish model: its democracy, economic growth, the lesser role of the Army. "In this way," said Salama, "Turkey has become the dominant model.
Iran is no longer the only model. And the Turkish model, 'he concludes, "is the equivalent of Christian Democracy." Mubarak "or chaos? This is the highest card that is playing the Egyptian Arafat and Israel already have bought, some Western politicians and some of the people Egyptian. In his column called Tahrir A republic, Roger writes in the Tribune Co Feb.
7: "To accept the argument Mubarak or chaos is a lack of respect for the citizenship of Tahrir Square. It is a sign of Western failure before the explosion Arab thirst for dignity and representative government. " Co remembered as protesters demanding the departure of Mubarak formed a human chain around the Egyptian Museum to protect it.
In the same edition of the Tribune, David Kirkpatrick reported: "In the Christian day of prayer (on Sunday) the Copts celebrated a Mass in the Square (Tahrir), while Muslims, returning a favor, protecting them. On Friday, the Copts were guard for Muslim prayers. " What if the chaos outside Mubarak? 
But when these "protests" do not stop nor repression or any grant of power, demanding their immediate fall and his replacement by a new political order, we must speak of "revolution." Especially when it succeeds. The Tunisian case has been called a "jasmine revolution." The Tunisians have paid a heavy price in blood to overthrow Ben Ali, but his struggle and his victory immediately inspired the most informed and militant Egyptian urban youth.
His fire has been kindled in the Nile Valley Can there be "revolution without a party and leader that lead? Edwy Plenel in Mediapart, given on February 2, an excellent answer to this question: "What is unpredictable is, precisely, their first under: bankruptcy what seemed unbreakable, waving what seemed motionless, destabilizes what seemed unchangeable.
And this is what history calls a revolution because it can not be foreseen or controlled, but because it comes without warning and invents its own way, without program, pre party or leader. A true revolution is a coup de force of some self-proclaimed vanguard: develops and invents a bet Pascalian mode, without other security than hope.
" Rather than organizations or leaders, a revolution has to do with ideas, is the embodiment in a popular movement of certain ideas. The French know this: the republic is the granddaughter of the 1789 revolution and its ideas of liberty, fraternity and equality. So the Arabist r Laurens, in the latest edition of Le Nouvel Observateur (3 February 2011), recalled: "Revolutions create their own pictures.
Those who destroyed the Bastille unaware they were triggering the French Revolution." And Glucksmann hosts events in Tunisia and Egypt with the "sympathy" bordering on "enthusiasm" with which Kant accepted the French Revolution. Why classify as "democratic"? Both Tunisia and Egypt, demonstrators made it clear from the minute we were fighting for freedom, dignity and justice, by the substitution in their countries from autocracy to democracy.
The Arab peoples take their Bastille, titled Rosa Meneses its analysis in El Mundo on 7 February. And subtitled: "The riots in Tunisia and Egypt drink of the French Revolution, not the Iranians." "These companies (North African) have been shown to be closer to us than we thought," he writes.
"They have our own desires, seeking to find a place in the world, to have opportunities to earn a living, to care for their families to be free ... written as a reason Sudanese Tayeb Salih," are exactly like us. " And in this sense, have given us a lesson. " "Tehran 1979 or Berlin 1989? So called today (8 February 2011) Roger Co his column in the International Herald Tribune.
Co writes: "Is this a broad uprising against the dictatorship which aims for freedom and democracy might be usurped by organized Islamist? Or is the end of the Arab Jurassic Park where, from Yemen to Tunisia, aged despots have ruled, and beginning of a flourishing democracy to change the world as we changed the Soviet empire collapsed? If the latter, as I believe, is crucial to understand it properly.
" Co says it is a determined attitude of the United States and the European Union in favor of democratic change, such as that adopted in the collapse of the Soviet empire, may decide that the balance falls on the side of 1989. Frightened passivity play in reverse. Timothy Garton Ash put it this way on Monday, February 7 in the country: "The future of Europe is at stake this week in Tahrir Square in Cairo, as it was in the Wenceslas Square in Prague in 1989." A revolution can fail, of course.
Even in the case of success can be oriented in either direction not only in terms of domestic circumstances but also external forces. Should the Islamists fear condition the Western attitude? The Islamists have played no role in causing the riots Tunisian and Egyptian. In the latter case, the initial role would be to give it to groups of young Democrats active in social networks as "Kefaya (Enough)," Khaled Said "and" April 6.
" Now, what may end up capitalized? Not necessarily. Feb. 7 Xavier Antich wrote in La Vanguardia: "These days have reappeared colonial tics common in these parts. Hear how to praise the desire for freedom and the couple how to express the fear of what will happen next, that fear is always given a name, "Islamic fundamentalism", not knowing, even remotely, that weight, whatever it is, has the population of Egypt.
"Denying the possibility of getting Arabs to democracy just because it is possible to win the Islamists, as pointed Antich, a colonial attitude. On the contrary, the West should assuming without further troubles the possibility that in some Arab countries, Islamist parties opposed to violence and respect the democratic framework to obtain electoral success.
Plenel What explains: "Why, in the democratic transition in the Arab world can not be a place for political families who claim the dominant religion, as was the case, and remains, the Christian Democrats in Europe? ". He continues teaching:" In the early 1980's. Was there that want the repression of Solidarity in Poland because large Catholic ceremonies were held under its aegis in the shipyards of Gdansk? Should we wish to maintain the Soviet domination of Eastern Europe because its collapse threatened to release conservative and reactionary forces and religious, as was the case? "Is Turkey the model could follow the Arab revolution? Speaking to Le Monde (8 February 2001), Ghassan Salame, a political scientist and former Lebanese Minister of Culture, believes the time when contemporary Turkey began to attract attention in the Arab world was when, in January 2009, in full Israeli military offensive against Gaza , prime minister Erdogan gave a roundtable at Davos angry about the justifications for violence that was taking Shimon Peres.
"The highway to the heart of the Arabs is an empathetic attitude, solidarity with the Palestinians," he says. Thereafter The Arabs became interested in the Turkish model: its democracy, economic growth, the lesser role of the Army. "In this way," said Salama, "Turkey has become the dominant model.
Iran is no longer the only model. And the Turkish model, 'he concludes, "is the equivalent of Christian Democracy." Mubarak "or chaos? This is the highest card that is playing the Egyptian Arafat and Israel already have bought, some Western politicians and some of the people Egyptian. In his column called Tahrir A republic, Roger writes in the Tribune Co Feb.
7: "To accept the argument Mubarak or chaos is a lack of respect for the citizenship of Tahrir Square. It is a sign of Western failure before the explosion Arab thirst for dignity and representative government. " Co remembered as protesters demanding the departure of Mubarak formed a human chain around the Egyptian Museum to protect it.
In the same edition of the Tribune, David Kirkpatrick reported: "In the Christian day of prayer (on Sunday) the Copts celebrated a Mass in the Square (Tahrir), while Muslims, returning a favor, protecting them. On Friday, the Copts were guard for Muslim prayers. " What if the chaos outside Mubarak?
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