There were more policemen in Tahrir Square, which the protesters. And in the early afternoon the battle was raging. The protesters, young bearded men with the shaved head but also had the anger to their advantage. It was as if to vent all the frustrations suffered, including those of fathers and grandfathers.
Jumped on a police vehicle and tried to set fire, so officials in uniform, but also in civilian clothes, they have reacted. Egypt the wind of revolt against the square inflamed Mubarak They used water cannons and tear gas a few. But there has been a particularly dense stones. United against Mubarak, the dictator covered with invective, the young, bearded and skinheads, the first closer to the old Western context, the second brother, began to throw stones, collected in neighboring yards or ripped the pavement.
The police responded by raising the bullets which were defended by shields. It remains to this day of protest especially the image of anger shared. Since yesterday evening, the old dictator, in power for thirty years, it wobbles, it takes more to shake him from power until the army is behind him, but he could see how events have turned on the Tunisian minds in the world Arabic.
And even in his own country, the most prestigious historically and strategically important. And this should not be left alone. In September, his term expires, and it is possible that in an emergency situation, the forces influential in the process of succession, by the military to the business, prefer to retire the president of 82 years, and do not take into consideration the son Gamal, considered the dolphin.
The withdrawal of Mubarak, a key player in the balance of the Middle East, because it close U.S. ally and good neighbor of Israel, would be a very important event. Especially if you switched from the authoritarian system to a certain type of democracy, which would inevitably give way for legitimate religious movements.
Mohammed El Baradei, the Egyptian Nobel Prize for Peace, which had joined the protest movement without personal participation, to avoid the demonization of the Muslim Brotherhood and refuses to accept the dilemma according to which one must choose between the narrow, suffocating dictatorship of Mubarak or the chaos of the religious.
El Baradei to the Muslim Brotherhood did not spend more than half a century to violence and are in the democratic process. Yesterday, in protest, religious and Democrats were still side by side. The brotherhood of the Muslim Brotherhood had decided not to officially participate in protests.
The militants took to the streets on an individual basis. They were rather prominently the names of the Wafd party, legal opposition, and those of non-institutional movements. Not since '77, when then-President Sadat had to cancel the rise in bread under the pressure of the square, who had not seen in Cairo manifestations of this force, not so much by the number of participants (perhaps thirty thousand) but for the their decision.
And also for the measured response of the police, who apparently had orders to avoid casualties (although, at the end of the day, there were three deaths: two protesters and an agent). The regime fears the bloodshed that incites anger. This likely delivery, given by the Ministry of the Interior, or the president himself, has been interpreted by some demonstrators as a beginning of fraternization with the enemy in uniform.
It was most likely an illusion. In this case, the "day of anger" would become the day of the revolution. But it was not so. The protest yesterday, driven by higher prices as well as the demand for democracy has spread throughout the country. Cairo has been the epicenter, with fighting in Tahrir square, around the Supreme Court, the Parliament, one of the main bridges over the Nile (won by the protesters) and popular in many districts where the reporter was unable to set foot.
But anger has spread to the rest of the country: in Alexandria (North), Aswan and Assiut (South), many centers in the delta of the Nile, Ismaylia Suez Canal, and even in North Sinai. The popular mobilization has not been overwhelming, collected in some cities a few hundred people, not more, but embraced the entire country, thanks to the Internet.
Who have broadcast live images of events, by involving people in what was happening in the streets. More than ninety people have signed up Facebook, the document which said that "Tunisia is a solution" and that "Mubarak must go." To limit the use of cyberspace, the authorities had made it inaccessible to micro-blogging service.
Inhabited by the patient, often resigned, Egypt has the same republican regime since 1952, when the officers "free" King Farouk sent into exile and canceled the monarchy. Since then, power has always remained in the hands of a soldier, even if it has changed its nature, from Nasser's Arab socialism to the capitalist changes imposed by Sadat and Mubarak.
Nasser was praised or loathed. When he died, Cairo was full of people came from the farthest shores of the Nile. Just as the crowd had begged to stay when, with cunning, had announced his resignation after the defeat by Israel in '67. When Sadat was assassinated there was a dog on the streets of Cairo.
And the funeral took place at the periphery. It is believed that they had not forgiven the Cairo peace (in our opinion reasonable) with Israel, even to recover the Sinai by Nasser lost in '67. Mubarak leaves us indifferent. Does not arouse sympathy. His face rejuvenated by surgeons and dyed hair give him something that has very little natural.
It seems crystallized. The affairs of the family does not contribute to the popularity. Now that power is no longer wrapped in a mystery, because the Internet makes it more transparent company policy, Mubarak does not have the charisma attributed to Saddam almost right. But Cairo is one of the great centers of international life, certainly crucial in the Middle East, and its balance, its buildings, is invaluable.
The role of religious extremism dam is considered crucial. Mubarak yesterday was scratched. Its power has been injured. No more.
Jumped on a police vehicle and tried to set fire, so officials in uniform, but also in civilian clothes, they have reacted. Egypt the wind of revolt against the square inflamed Mubarak They used water cannons and tear gas a few. But there has been a particularly dense stones. United against Mubarak, the dictator covered with invective, the young, bearded and skinheads, the first closer to the old Western context, the second brother, began to throw stones, collected in neighboring yards or ripped the pavement.
The police responded by raising the bullets which were defended by shields. It remains to this day of protest especially the image of anger shared. Since yesterday evening, the old dictator, in power for thirty years, it wobbles, it takes more to shake him from power until the army is behind him, but he could see how events have turned on the Tunisian minds in the world Arabic.
And even in his own country, the most prestigious historically and strategically important. And this should not be left alone. In September, his term expires, and it is possible that in an emergency situation, the forces influential in the process of succession, by the military to the business, prefer to retire the president of 82 years, and do not take into consideration the son Gamal, considered the dolphin.
The withdrawal of Mubarak, a key player in the balance of the Middle East, because it close U.S. ally and good neighbor of Israel, would be a very important event. Especially if you switched from the authoritarian system to a certain type of democracy, which would inevitably give way for legitimate religious movements.
Mohammed El Baradei, the Egyptian Nobel Prize for Peace, which had joined the protest movement without personal participation, to avoid the demonization of the Muslim Brotherhood and refuses to accept the dilemma according to which one must choose between the narrow, suffocating dictatorship of Mubarak or the chaos of the religious.
El Baradei to the Muslim Brotherhood did not spend more than half a century to violence and are in the democratic process. Yesterday, in protest, religious and Democrats were still side by side. The brotherhood of the Muslim Brotherhood had decided not to officially participate in protests.
The militants took to the streets on an individual basis. They were rather prominently the names of the Wafd party, legal opposition, and those of non-institutional movements. Not since '77, when then-President Sadat had to cancel the rise in bread under the pressure of the square, who had not seen in Cairo manifestations of this force, not so much by the number of participants (perhaps thirty thousand) but for the their decision.
And also for the measured response of the police, who apparently had orders to avoid casualties (although, at the end of the day, there were three deaths: two protesters and an agent). The regime fears the bloodshed that incites anger. This likely delivery, given by the Ministry of the Interior, or the president himself, has been interpreted by some demonstrators as a beginning of fraternization with the enemy in uniform.
It was most likely an illusion. In this case, the "day of anger" would become the day of the revolution. But it was not so. The protest yesterday, driven by higher prices as well as the demand for democracy has spread throughout the country. Cairo has been the epicenter, with fighting in Tahrir square, around the Supreme Court, the Parliament, one of the main bridges over the Nile (won by the protesters) and popular in many districts where the reporter was unable to set foot.
But anger has spread to the rest of the country: in Alexandria (North), Aswan and Assiut (South), many centers in the delta of the Nile, Ismaylia Suez Canal, and even in North Sinai. The popular mobilization has not been overwhelming, collected in some cities a few hundred people, not more, but embraced the entire country, thanks to the Internet.
Who have broadcast live images of events, by involving people in what was happening in the streets. More than ninety people have signed up Facebook, the document which said that "Tunisia is a solution" and that "Mubarak must go." To limit the use of cyberspace, the authorities had made it inaccessible to micro-blogging service.
Inhabited by the patient, often resigned, Egypt has the same republican regime since 1952, when the officers "free" King Farouk sent into exile and canceled the monarchy. Since then, power has always remained in the hands of a soldier, even if it has changed its nature, from Nasser's Arab socialism to the capitalist changes imposed by Sadat and Mubarak.
Nasser was praised or loathed. When he died, Cairo was full of people came from the farthest shores of the Nile. Just as the crowd had begged to stay when, with cunning, had announced his resignation after the defeat by Israel in '67. When Sadat was assassinated there was a dog on the streets of Cairo.
And the funeral took place at the periphery. It is believed that they had not forgiven the Cairo peace (in our opinion reasonable) with Israel, even to recover the Sinai by Nasser lost in '67. Mubarak leaves us indifferent. Does not arouse sympathy. His face rejuvenated by surgeons and dyed hair give him something that has very little natural.
It seems crystallized. The affairs of the family does not contribute to the popularity. Now that power is no longer wrapped in a mystery, because the Internet makes it more transparent company policy, Mubarak does not have the charisma attributed to Saddam almost right. But Cairo is one of the great centers of international life, certainly crucial in the Middle East, and its balance, its buildings, is invaluable.
The role of religious extremism dam is considered crucial. Mubarak yesterday was scratched. Its power has been injured. No more.
- Mubaraks regime tested by fires of Egypt unrest and crackdown (26/01/2011)
- Uh oh: White House declines to endorse Mubarak in Egypt (26/01/2011)
- "Cairo - Tunisa Inspiration: Thousands In Egypt Denounce Mubarak" and related posts (25/01/2011)
- Factbox: Facts about Egypt's President Mubarak (25/01/2011)
- Egypt unlikely to turn into another Tunisia (26/01/2011)
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