Egyptian popular revolt has confirmed that, contrary to the official version, in the land of the Nile is no other opposition to the Mubarak regime is not the Muslim Brotherhood. The challenge now is to channel this discontent into a political project with enough support to make an alternative government.
As also seen in Tunisia, autocrats do not let the grass grow at his feet making it difficult to change. Without effective opposition parties and without real democratic practice, the Egyptians have however the option of using a consensus figure to lead his transition. Mohamed el Baradei has offered to do so.
"I never told people that will be their leader, but if that's what they want, they must be willing to come forward," said El Baradei told this newspaper last June just months after his return to Egypt . For 12 years the diplomat had been at the forefront of the International Atomic Energy Agency in Vienna, where he won great respect for their independence, particularly given the difficult dossier of Iran and U.S.
pressure. His work won him the Nobel Peace Prize in 2005, the fourth Egyptian to receive a Nobel, which added an aura of prestige to your figure. Although Egypt has formally a multiparty system, the progressive arrangement of the historical parties (from the liberal Wafd to the leftist Tagamu, to socialists and Nasserists) the monopoly of political life by the National Democratic Party, it has become part the regime against which citizens have been lifted.
The new parties arising out of the movement for constitutional change in the middle of the last decade have failed to strike deep roots. One of its most renowned leaders, Ayman Nur, who on Friday had to be hospitalized after being hit by a bottle of smoke, however it lacks in size and sufficient popular support.
Commotion In fact, the arrival of El Baradei to Cairo a year ago caused a stir. Several thousand people came to meet him showing the expectations aroused. However, the initial enthusiasm evaporated almost as quickly as it had arisen. El Baradei, who has always made it clear he was not a professional politician but a man ready to make a commitment, would not go in the game calling directly confront the regime demonstrations that would inevitably trigger repression.
He founded the Association for Change and opted for a step by step approach, education for democracy, collecting signatures and a few token visits. But basically, it retained its international commitments, including his book The Age of Deception: Nuclear Diplomacy in Treachurous Times goes on sale next June.
Disillusioned, many of his initial supporters let him aside. He was accused of taking too much time abroad, ignore reality and not willing to compromise. "Although the campaign has failed ElBaradei specific practical changes, broke a taboo by openly expressing the need for change, drawing from political apathy to a new generation familiar with new media," wrote Elizabeth Iskander however, a researcher specialized in Egypt at the London School of Economics.
On Thursday, hours before the big protest called for the next day, El Baradei returned from his apartment in Vienna to his home in Giza, outside Cairo. Some will accuse him of wanting to get into a car running, but he made it clear that he was proud of the process triggered by the Egyptians and not trying to attribute it.
The police deployment in the mosque, which went to pray on Friday says a lot of fear that his figure awake for the procedure. It is true that El Baradei is not a politician with a broad base of support. But it also attracts the respect of the majority. In fact, a million Egyptians have put their name and ID number in your request of democratic reforms. 
As also seen in Tunisia, autocrats do not let the grass grow at his feet making it difficult to change. Without effective opposition parties and without real democratic practice, the Egyptians have however the option of using a consensus figure to lead his transition. Mohamed el Baradei has offered to do so.
"I never told people that will be their leader, but if that's what they want, they must be willing to come forward," said El Baradei told this newspaper last June just months after his return to Egypt . For 12 years the diplomat had been at the forefront of the International Atomic Energy Agency in Vienna, where he won great respect for their independence, particularly given the difficult dossier of Iran and U.S.
pressure. His work won him the Nobel Peace Prize in 2005, the fourth Egyptian to receive a Nobel, which added an aura of prestige to your figure. Although Egypt has formally a multiparty system, the progressive arrangement of the historical parties (from the liberal Wafd to the leftist Tagamu, to socialists and Nasserists) the monopoly of political life by the National Democratic Party, it has become part the regime against which citizens have been lifted.
The new parties arising out of the movement for constitutional change in the middle of the last decade have failed to strike deep roots. One of its most renowned leaders, Ayman Nur, who on Friday had to be hospitalized after being hit by a bottle of smoke, however it lacks in size and sufficient popular support.
Commotion In fact, the arrival of El Baradei to Cairo a year ago caused a stir. Several thousand people came to meet him showing the expectations aroused. However, the initial enthusiasm evaporated almost as quickly as it had arisen. El Baradei, who has always made it clear he was not a professional politician but a man ready to make a commitment, would not go in the game calling directly confront the regime demonstrations that would inevitably trigger repression.
He founded the Association for Change and opted for a step by step approach, education for democracy, collecting signatures and a few token visits. But basically, it retained its international commitments, including his book The Age of Deception: Nuclear Diplomacy in Treachurous Times goes on sale next June.
Disillusioned, many of his initial supporters let him aside. He was accused of taking too much time abroad, ignore reality and not willing to compromise. "Although the campaign has failed ElBaradei specific practical changes, broke a taboo by openly expressing the need for change, drawing from political apathy to a new generation familiar with new media," wrote Elizabeth Iskander however, a researcher specialized in Egypt at the London School of Economics.
On Thursday, hours before the big protest called for the next day, El Baradei returned from his apartment in Vienna to his home in Giza, outside Cairo. Some will accuse him of wanting to get into a car running, but he made it clear that he was proud of the process triggered by the Egyptians and not trying to attribute it.
The police deployment in the mosque, which went to pray on Friday says a lot of fear that his figure awake for the procedure. It is true that El Baradei is not a politician with a broad base of support. But it also attracts the respect of the majority. In fact, a million Egyptians have put their name and ID number in your request of democratic reforms.
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