The Government and people of Egypt are ready for a transition process that no one predicts neither quick nor easy. Vice President Suleiman today met with several opposition groups, among which are the Muslim Brotherhood, and have reached several agreements, including limiting presidential terms to two terms and amend the requirements to stand for election as so far the conditions were so complex that was virtually impossible for the rest of the political groups presented.
The decisions, announced on state television, including, finally, the elimination of the Emergency Law in force in the country since 1981. Mubarak, who yesterday announced the resignation of the leadership of his party en bloc, now seeks to normalize the life of Cairo, on the day that Egypt began the week.
One of the key elements in this return to normalcy is the Place de la Liberation, occupied for nearly two weeks by protesters who want to fall Mubarak. The Government has begun to remove cars burned in an attempt to clean apparent normality, and opened to traffic on Kasr el Nil bridge, a strategic location for access to the plaza.
However, the protesters, far from intimidated, remain engaged in the protest. The flow of people coming to the plaza with the intention of camping does not fall, nor does the number of protesters, so this time the situation on the bridge is quite chaotic. Far from wanting an Islamic state the Muslim Brotherhood, the last to join the talks, assured that his intention is to report to what extent the government is "willing to accept the demands of the people." To allay misgivings that demonstrate both the West and secular sectors of the opposition, the group insists it has no intention of turning Egypt into an Islamic state.
Beyond these considerations, the arrival on the negotiation of the Friars, officially banned in Egypt, can be a major breakthrough in resolving the conflict. Leaving aside the Army, there seems to be no other group with enough influence to negotiate with the hundreds of thousands of Egyptians who stay on the streets.
Many opposition figures insist that the priority now should be to change the electoral rules by forming a new parliament to amend the Constitution and let go to the polls with rules that have not been created exclusively to promote the party of Mubarak, as has been happening over the last 30 years.
In any case, Egypt began yesterday to breathe. The structures of the regime have survived without falling apart the tremendous thrust of the revolt, but they know deep sentenced to reform and without Hosni Mubarak. The protesters, most of society, have proven their enormous strength, but are aware that begins a phase of wrangling and negotiations.
After 12 days of fearful Egyptian society tries to recover the pulse at the beginning of a new era, still very confused. Unstoppable Change The resignation of hegemonic leadership of the National Democratic Party (NDP) Gamal Mubarak to the front, confirms that change is unstoppable. Beyond the tanks that dominate the city, the protesters remain the stronghold of the Liberation Square (for a place of honor in the Arab epic in world history and progress) of an inevitable tension collective, The Cairo shows a desire to work and return to their daily chaos and traffic jams.
In a way, it favors the regime. That is, the Army, which saves time while organizing some kind of outlet for Mubarak. The output of Gamal Mubarak is transcendental unable to take the baton from his father as president, as the Constitution requires that candidates have a position in the party.
Moreover, this political movement occurs in a context of rapprochement with the opposition, whose demands are the specific request that the team Mubarak faithful disappear from the political map. End of cycle change is shaping up difficult, perhaps tumultuous. The Army seeks to strengthen the theoretical "security fence" around the Place de la Liberation in order to limit the links between the heart of the protest and the rest of the country.
The chief of staff, and on the eve of Defence Minister, rushed to the scene to ask the protesters to leave and delegated its power to elected representatives, as expected, the crowd did not believe him and stayed. Recorded occasional arbitrary arrests and harassment. Small groups still loyal to Mubarak teeming with flags and protect their own roadblock, north of the square.
The change is, however, inevitable. The whole nation, 80 million Egyptians, has entered into an eternal debt to the heroes of Tahrir, tens of thousands of men and women who are resisting the furious onslaught of police first, then the thugs of the regime, largely plainclothes police. It is a heterogeneous group of young professionals, workers and Muslim Brotherhood still entrenched in the square, ready to conquer or die, and are encouraging their value to millions of Egyptians who lost their fear and, after the initial Tuesday of hope, have demonstrating continued to persuade the regime that their violence was futile.
The images of the thugs into the crowd on horseback and camels, including tanks and stones have to endure in memory as a metaphor for the conflicting forces. 
The decisions, announced on state television, including, finally, the elimination of the Emergency Law in force in the country since 1981. Mubarak, who yesterday announced the resignation of the leadership of his party en bloc, now seeks to normalize the life of Cairo, on the day that Egypt began the week.
One of the key elements in this return to normalcy is the Place de la Liberation, occupied for nearly two weeks by protesters who want to fall Mubarak. The Government has begun to remove cars burned in an attempt to clean apparent normality, and opened to traffic on Kasr el Nil bridge, a strategic location for access to the plaza.
However, the protesters, far from intimidated, remain engaged in the protest. The flow of people coming to the plaza with the intention of camping does not fall, nor does the number of protesters, so this time the situation on the bridge is quite chaotic. Far from wanting an Islamic state the Muslim Brotherhood, the last to join the talks, assured that his intention is to report to what extent the government is "willing to accept the demands of the people." To allay misgivings that demonstrate both the West and secular sectors of the opposition, the group insists it has no intention of turning Egypt into an Islamic state.
Beyond these considerations, the arrival on the negotiation of the Friars, officially banned in Egypt, can be a major breakthrough in resolving the conflict. Leaving aside the Army, there seems to be no other group with enough influence to negotiate with the hundreds of thousands of Egyptians who stay on the streets.
Many opposition figures insist that the priority now should be to change the electoral rules by forming a new parliament to amend the Constitution and let go to the polls with rules that have not been created exclusively to promote the party of Mubarak, as has been happening over the last 30 years.
In any case, Egypt began yesterday to breathe. The structures of the regime have survived without falling apart the tremendous thrust of the revolt, but they know deep sentenced to reform and without Hosni Mubarak. The protesters, most of society, have proven their enormous strength, but are aware that begins a phase of wrangling and negotiations.
After 12 days of fearful Egyptian society tries to recover the pulse at the beginning of a new era, still very confused. Unstoppable Change The resignation of hegemonic leadership of the National Democratic Party (NDP) Gamal Mubarak to the front, confirms that change is unstoppable. Beyond the tanks that dominate the city, the protesters remain the stronghold of the Liberation Square (for a place of honor in the Arab epic in world history and progress) of an inevitable tension collective, The Cairo shows a desire to work and return to their daily chaos and traffic jams.
In a way, it favors the regime. That is, the Army, which saves time while organizing some kind of outlet for Mubarak. The output of Gamal Mubarak is transcendental unable to take the baton from his father as president, as the Constitution requires that candidates have a position in the party.
Moreover, this political movement occurs in a context of rapprochement with the opposition, whose demands are the specific request that the team Mubarak faithful disappear from the political map. End of cycle change is shaping up difficult, perhaps tumultuous. The Army seeks to strengthen the theoretical "security fence" around the Place de la Liberation in order to limit the links between the heart of the protest and the rest of the country.
The chief of staff, and on the eve of Defence Minister, rushed to the scene to ask the protesters to leave and delegated its power to elected representatives, as expected, the crowd did not believe him and stayed. Recorded occasional arbitrary arrests and harassment. Small groups still loyal to Mubarak teeming with flags and protect their own roadblock, north of the square.
The change is, however, inevitable. The whole nation, 80 million Egyptians, has entered into an eternal debt to the heroes of Tahrir, tens of thousands of men and women who are resisting the furious onslaught of police first, then the thugs of the regime, largely plainclothes police. It is a heterogeneous group of young professionals, workers and Muslim Brotherhood still entrenched in the square, ready to conquer or die, and are encouraging their value to millions of Egyptians who lost their fear and, after the initial Tuesday of hope, have demonstrating continued to persuade the regime that their violence was futile.
The images of the thugs into the crowd on horseback and camels, including tanks and stones have to endure in memory as a metaphor for the conflicting forces.
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