Cairo Envoy - the twelfth day of the Egyptian revolution, the situation on the ground seems more secure than ever. Despite the combined pressure from insurgents in Tahrir Square and Western embassies, the scenario of the transition to the post-Mubarak was struggling to emerge on Saturday morning, February 5.
The clan of the president, confident that the silent majority supports the country, rallied around him. It plays perfectly on the reflexes of fear and indignation of a certain portion of the population, moved by the second speech of the old rais, in which he said his desire to die on Egyptian soil.
"There is no such thing as camp Mubarak," said Amr Hamzawi, Research Center Carnegie. There is a fairly large segment of the population does not see the president humiliated or even abused. It is a emotional reaction that does not rely on a solid foundation. As for the supporters of the president that we see on the street, they're thugs paid by the National Democratic Party (NDP) to terrorize the protesters.
None of this form not a camp. "If the momentum is clearly on the side of Tahrir Square, the occupants are also facing difficulties. The stretching of the crisis puts their support networks to the test. "Friends and parents of young people who started this revolution citizens are getting enough," admits Amr Hamzawi.
But the main weakness of this movement is its complete lack of leaders or elected representatives. What was a force at the beginning of the uprising, guaranteeing the widest possible adherence and preventing the regime of the beheading, is poised to turn against him. So, what are the traditional opposition parties and some ad hoc committees that have captured the reflection on the crisis.
"Our idea is that Mubarak could stay in office, but he delegated all his powers to Vice-President, Omar Sulaiman," said Dia Rashwan, a political scientist who ran in the legislative elections of November 2010, under the label Tagamou party (Nasser). In this way, we preserve the dignity of Mubarak, and it has a free hand to launch the reform.
"This scenario is also defended by an informal group, known as the Committee of Wise Men. Surgi at the beginning of the revolt, he groups of intellectuals such as columnist Salama Ahmed Salama, businessmen like Naguib Sawiris, head of telecom giant Orascom, and former diplomats, like Nabil Fahny, formerly stationed in Washington.
Saturday, February 5, members the opposition were to meet Mr Suleiman to submit this project. But it faces three challenges. It is not supported by all opposition parties and it is not certain that he reflects the agreement of irreducible Tahrir, and its conformity with the Constitution is debatable.
Section 82 does allow the President to delegate his powers to Vice President in a situation where he would be temporarily prevented from performing his duties. But opinions differ on whether the vice president would be able to amend the Constitution. However, in the absence of such a reform, a pluralist presidential election could not be held given the nomination criteria that exclude for the time independent candidates.
As for the resignation of Mr. Mubarak required Tahrir Square, it also risks creating an impasse. In this case, indeed, the president of Parliament, Fathi Srour, a chieftain of the ruling party, which would have to replace him with the mission almost impossible to organize an election within sixty days.
Benjamin Barthe Article published in the edition of 06.02.11 
The clan of the president, confident that the silent majority supports the country, rallied around him. It plays perfectly on the reflexes of fear and indignation of a certain portion of the population, moved by the second speech of the old rais, in which he said his desire to die on Egyptian soil.
"There is no such thing as camp Mubarak," said Amr Hamzawi, Research Center Carnegie. There is a fairly large segment of the population does not see the president humiliated or even abused. It is a emotional reaction that does not rely on a solid foundation. As for the supporters of the president that we see on the street, they're thugs paid by the National Democratic Party (NDP) to terrorize the protesters.
None of this form not a camp. "If the momentum is clearly on the side of Tahrir Square, the occupants are also facing difficulties. The stretching of the crisis puts their support networks to the test. "Friends and parents of young people who started this revolution citizens are getting enough," admits Amr Hamzawi.
But the main weakness of this movement is its complete lack of leaders or elected representatives. What was a force at the beginning of the uprising, guaranteeing the widest possible adherence and preventing the regime of the beheading, is poised to turn against him. So, what are the traditional opposition parties and some ad hoc committees that have captured the reflection on the crisis.
"Our idea is that Mubarak could stay in office, but he delegated all his powers to Vice-President, Omar Sulaiman," said Dia Rashwan, a political scientist who ran in the legislative elections of November 2010, under the label Tagamou party (Nasser). In this way, we preserve the dignity of Mubarak, and it has a free hand to launch the reform.
"This scenario is also defended by an informal group, known as the Committee of Wise Men. Surgi at the beginning of the revolt, he groups of intellectuals such as columnist Salama Ahmed Salama, businessmen like Naguib Sawiris, head of telecom giant Orascom, and former diplomats, like Nabil Fahny, formerly stationed in Washington.
Saturday, February 5, members the opposition were to meet Mr Suleiman to submit this project. But it faces three challenges. It is not supported by all opposition parties and it is not certain that he reflects the agreement of irreducible Tahrir, and its conformity with the Constitution is debatable.
Section 82 does allow the President to delegate his powers to Vice President in a situation where he would be temporarily prevented from performing his duties. But opinions differ on whether the vice president would be able to amend the Constitution. However, in the absence of such a reform, a pluralist presidential election could not be held given the nomination criteria that exclude for the time independent candidates.
As for the resignation of Mr. Mubarak required Tahrir Square, it also risks creating an impasse. In this case, indeed, the president of Parliament, Fathi Srour, a chieftain of the ruling party, which would have to replace him with the mission almost impossible to organize an election within sixty days.
Benjamin Barthe Article published in the edition of 06.02.11
- Robert Fisk: The man who dares to take on Egypt's brutal regime (25/11/2010)
- Egypt Protests: The Week In Review (06/02/2011)
- An Interview With Hosni Mubarak [Video] (03/02/2011)
- Mubarak allies try to quell protests with talks, concessions - MiamiHerald.com (05/02/2011)
- "Egypt deploys army to enforce curfew and quell protests" and related posts (29/01/2011)
No comments:
Post a Comment