In Caracas, that evening, the concert began pans, if we dare say, at 20 o'clock. Good for fifteen minutes, the uproar has escaped windows muffled the neighborhood, amplified by the echo to be kicked around the tower blocks. Before fading gradually into the night. Meanwhile, the din of cooking utensils sounded in a dozen other neighborhoods in the Venezuelan capital and in some major cities.
This ritual noisy protest resulted from a slogan of the site messaging Twitter by the opposition to the regime of President Hugo Chavez. Venezuela, like anywhere in the world, social networks have become a powerful tool for political mobilization. The Head of State, an apostle of the "Bolivarian revolution" has understood.
His Twitter account, opened in April 2010, over one million subscribers. The vast majority of its correspondents to assail him to ask for work or housing. For a month, the opposition has found a way - and a place - more traditional expression: the Parliament. In 2005, she had made the historic mistake to boycott the legislative elections.
Thanks to his devotion to an Assembly, Hugo Chavez was time to "radicalize socialism" at its discretion. In the elections of September 2010, the President was unable to prevent his opponents to win with almost 53% of the vote. A "gerrymander" districts prior to their push content. But with 40% of the seats, they can expect to make their voices heard.
At least in theory. Because, under new rules, the Assembly meets only four times per month. Each member must limit his time to fifteen minutes from one end to another debate. All commissions are controlled by power. A government television station has a monopoly on broadcasting of sessions, allowing the antenna to ban troublemakers.
Better still, the members have no right to "jump the fence," meaning to vote on a text differently from their party. Discipline becomes a straitjacket. A member proves unfaithful once, even in his soul and conscience, it will be considered guilty of 'fraud on his voters "and may be suspended or revoked his mandate.
This provision targets preventive elected "Chavez" to be tempted, at one time or another, to change sides. What good debate, moreover, if you can guess the outcome of each vote? In the eyes of Hugo Chavez, the parliamentary debate itself seems unnecessary. So he locked the system even more by being awarded for the fourth time, special powers: for a year and a half, it will legislate by decree.
Is not it easier and faster? Anyway, most was done before the inauguration of the new Parliament. The overwhelming majority it had in the old parliament passed a dozen Acts, called by the opposition "package Cuban. These laws tightening the grip on the state's economy and society. Radio, television and the Internet are controlled more strictly.
Banks, declared "public" are nationalized at any time. Governors and mayors are elected may be partially or totally stripped of their powers, transferable to the "sovereign people" into "social communication". The threat is aimed at municipal officials belonging to the opposition. This arsenal of laws, adopted in haste, incorporates provisions contained in a proposed socialist constitution rejected by referendum in December 2007.
What the people did not want Hugo Chavez did approve three years later by his representatives. The president of the continuity of ideas. He has conceded just one tactical retreat by giving up - temporarily? - The law which would abolish the autonomy of universities, given the outcry from students and teachers.
It has nothing to fear from the side of justice: the Supreme Court was unexpectedly renewed. The 41 new judges are "supporters" of the Revolution, including former members of the ruling party. The "roadmap" of Hugo Chavez is all mapped out. Eighteen months of government by decree it will pave the way for the next presidential campaign.
"This soldier is a candidate in 2012," he says of himself. Who doubted? In the mid-aggressive tone, half-boastful he loves, the head of state warned his opponents that they "will never be the majority in parliament," and that "they will return more to the palace ( Presidential) Miraflores.
" He leaves the Chief of Staff of the Army hammering that it will not tolerate an electoral victory by the opposition. Hugo Chavez is already campaigning. And stewardship will follow. In 2010, the budget of the presidency has increased sixfold from 2009. This large billion finance including security, travel, communication and household expenses of the president.
One example: the renewal and maintenance of his wardrobe, civil and military, costing the taxpayer 325 000 Venezuelan euros per year. But, as everyone knows, the revolution is priceless. Langellier @ bbc. en Jean-Pierre Langellier Article published in the edition of 03.02.11 
This ritual noisy protest resulted from a slogan of the site messaging Twitter by the opposition to the regime of President Hugo Chavez. Venezuela, like anywhere in the world, social networks have become a powerful tool for political mobilization. The Head of State, an apostle of the "Bolivarian revolution" has understood.
His Twitter account, opened in April 2010, over one million subscribers. The vast majority of its correspondents to assail him to ask for work or housing. For a month, the opposition has found a way - and a place - more traditional expression: the Parliament. In 2005, she had made the historic mistake to boycott the legislative elections.
Thanks to his devotion to an Assembly, Hugo Chavez was time to "radicalize socialism" at its discretion. In the elections of September 2010, the President was unable to prevent his opponents to win with almost 53% of the vote. A "gerrymander" districts prior to their push content. But with 40% of the seats, they can expect to make their voices heard.
At least in theory. Because, under new rules, the Assembly meets only four times per month. Each member must limit his time to fifteen minutes from one end to another debate. All commissions are controlled by power. A government television station has a monopoly on broadcasting of sessions, allowing the antenna to ban troublemakers.
Better still, the members have no right to "jump the fence," meaning to vote on a text differently from their party. Discipline becomes a straitjacket. A member proves unfaithful once, even in his soul and conscience, it will be considered guilty of 'fraud on his voters "and may be suspended or revoked his mandate.
This provision targets preventive elected "Chavez" to be tempted, at one time or another, to change sides. What good debate, moreover, if you can guess the outcome of each vote? In the eyes of Hugo Chavez, the parliamentary debate itself seems unnecessary. So he locked the system even more by being awarded for the fourth time, special powers: for a year and a half, it will legislate by decree.
Is not it easier and faster? Anyway, most was done before the inauguration of the new Parliament. The overwhelming majority it had in the old parliament passed a dozen Acts, called by the opposition "package Cuban. These laws tightening the grip on the state's economy and society. Radio, television and the Internet are controlled more strictly.
Banks, declared "public" are nationalized at any time. Governors and mayors are elected may be partially or totally stripped of their powers, transferable to the "sovereign people" into "social communication". The threat is aimed at municipal officials belonging to the opposition. This arsenal of laws, adopted in haste, incorporates provisions contained in a proposed socialist constitution rejected by referendum in December 2007.
What the people did not want Hugo Chavez did approve three years later by his representatives. The president of the continuity of ideas. He has conceded just one tactical retreat by giving up - temporarily? - The law which would abolish the autonomy of universities, given the outcry from students and teachers.
It has nothing to fear from the side of justice: the Supreme Court was unexpectedly renewed. The 41 new judges are "supporters" of the Revolution, including former members of the ruling party. The "roadmap" of Hugo Chavez is all mapped out. Eighteen months of government by decree it will pave the way for the next presidential campaign.
"This soldier is a candidate in 2012," he says of himself. Who doubted? In the mid-aggressive tone, half-boastful he loves, the head of state warned his opponents that they "will never be the majority in parliament," and that "they will return more to the palace ( Presidential) Miraflores.
" He leaves the Chief of Staff of the Army hammering that it will not tolerate an electoral victory by the opposition. Hugo Chavez is already campaigning. And stewardship will follow. In 2010, the budget of the presidency has increased sixfold from 2009. This large billion finance including security, travel, communication and household expenses of the president.
One example: the renewal and maintenance of his wardrobe, civil and military, costing the taxpayer 325 000 Venezuelan euros per year. But, as everyone knows, the revolution is priceless. Langellier @ bbc. en Jean-Pierre Langellier Article published in the edition of 03.02.11
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